Meanwhile, Cuomo went to a Hamptons fundraiser hosted by a billionaire, where he said he'd move to Florida if Mamdani wins.

Mamdani skewers racist critics with delightful video

^{Mother Jones}

In the past, Trump has directly profited from overcharging agencies to protect him at his personal properties.

Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill” Allocates $300 Mil to Protect Billionaire’s Homes

^{Chris Walker (Truthout)}

The offer didn’t meet workers’ needs — nor their expectations, which have been raised through member organizing.

“We’re Done Working for Crumbs”: Indiana Kroger Workers Reject Second Contract

^{Caitlyn Clark (Truthout)}

Tennessee’s “conscience law,” allowing doctors to deny care due to their religious beliefs, went into effect in April.

A Tennessee Doctor Refused to Give a Woman Prenatal Care Because She’s Unmarried

^{Chris Walker (Truthout)}

AMEOS Group, an operator of a massive healthcare network in Central Europe, has announced it has suffered a security breach that may have exposed customer, employee, and partner information.

https://www.bleepingcomputer.com/news/security/major-european-healthcare-network-discloses-security-breach/

Gustafsson was the CEO of Escobar Inc., a corporation registered in Puerto Rico that held successor-in-interest rights to the persona and legacy of Pablo Escobar, the deceased Colombian narco-terrorist and late head of the Medellín Cartel. Escobar Inc. used Pablo Escobar’s likeness and persona to market and sell purported consumer products to the public.

From July 2019 to November 2023, Gustafsson identified existing products in the marketplace that were being manufactured and sold to the public. He then used the Escobar persona to market and advertise similar and competing products purportedly being sold by Escobar Inc., advertising them at a price substantially lower than existing counterparts being sold by other companies.

Gustafsson then purportedly sold the products – including an Escobar Flamethrower, an Escobar Fold Phone, an Escobar Gold 11 Pro Phone, and Escobar Cash (marketed as a “physical cryptocurrency”) – to customers, receiving payments via PayPal, Stripe, Coinbase, among other payment processors, as well as bank and wire transfers.

Despite receiving customer payments, Gustafsson did not deliver the Escobar Inc. products to paying customers because the products did not exist.

In furtherance of the scheme, Gustafsson sent crudely made samples of the purported Escobar Inc. products to online technology reviewers and social media influencers to attempt to increase the public’s demand for them. For example, Gustafsson sent Samsung Galaxy Fold Phones wrapped in gold foil and disguised as Escobar Inc. phones to online technology reviewers to attempt to induce victims who watched the online reviews into buying the products that never would be delivered.

Also, rather than sending paying customers the actual products, Gustafsson mailed them a “Certificate of Ownership,” a book, or other Escobar Inc. promotional materials so there was a record of mailing from the company to the customer. When a paying customer attempted to obtain a refund when the product was never delivered, Gustafsson fraudulently referred the payment processor to the proof of mailing for the Certificate of Ownership or other material as proof that the product itself was shipped and that the customer had received it so the refund requests would be denied.

Gustafsson also caused bank accounts to be opened under his name and entities he controlled to be used as funnel accounts – bank accounts into which he deposited and withdrew proceeds derived from his criminal activities. The purpose was to conceal and disguise the nature, location, source, ownership, and control of the proceeds. The bank accounts were located in the United States, Sweden, and the United Arab Emirates.

Swedish Man Who Licensed Rights to Late Colombian Drug Lord Pablo Escobar Pleads Guilty to Fraud, Money Laundering Charges

A Swedish national who licensed the rights of the late Colombian narco-terrorist Pablo Escobar pleaded guilty today to six federal criminal charges for defrauding investors by marketing and selling products – including flamethrowers and cellphones – …

^{www.justice.gov}

https://news.uci.edu/2025/07/22/uc-irvine-probe-into-state-data-brokers-raises-legal-and-privacy-concerns/

Question for you all.

I was working on a bash script and working out some logic for command chaining and grouping for executing different functions in my script based on the return status of other functions.

I know you can group commands with (), which spawns a subshell, and within the grouping you can chain with ;, &&, and ||.

I also know that you can group commands with {}, but, within the curly braces you can only separate commands with ;.

EDIT: the above statement of the curly braces only allowing ; is incorrect. I misunderstood what I had read. @SheeEttin@lemmy.zip pointed out my mistake.

The requirement is that the list of commands in the curly braces needs to be terminated with a semicolon or a newline character, and in the script, I unknowingly was meeting the rules by using the newlines to make the code easier to read for myself.

END EDIT:

In the script, for readability I did group the commands across lines kind of like a function.

The script is pretty simple. I created a few functions with echo commands to test the logic. the script asks for input of foo or bar. The first function has an if, and if the input is foo, it executes. If it's bar it returns 1.

The return of 1 triggers the or (||) and executes the second command group.

The idea was, if the user inputs foo, the first group triggers printing foo baz to stdout. If the user inputs bar, the foo function returns 1, the baz function does not execute, the or is triggered, and bar but is printed to stdout

Here's the script (which executes as described):

Can anyone explain why I'm able to group with curly braces and still use && inside them?

(Also, the reason I want to use the curly braces is I don't want to spawn a subshell. I want variable persistence in the current shell)

\#! /usr/bin/bash

# BEGIN FUNCTIONS #

foo () {

    if [[ "${input}" = foo ]]; then
        echo "foo"
        return 0
    else
        return 1
    fi

}

bar () {

    echo "bar"

}

baz () {

    echo "baz"

}

but () {

    echo "but"

}

# END FUNCTIONS #

read -p "foo or bar? " input

{
    foo && 
    baz
} ||

    {
        bar &&
        but
    }

Mahmoud Alareer, a 27-year-old living in a tent in western Gaza City, says the opening time announcements for the aid site he uses – Wadi Gaza – have become useless, because of the distance from where he is living. Instead, he travels to the edges of the site in the middle of the night and gambles on it opening at 2am, as it has on every visit so far.

First he climbs on to the back of a truck for the long ride south from Gaza City through the militarised Netzarim corridor. Then he waits in the dark until Israeli forces allow him to enter. “You get there and you slowly, slowly advance,” he says. “You always know that it could be you who gets shot, or it might be someone next to you.”

Eleven-minute race for food: how aid points in Gaza became ‘death traps’ – a visual story

Hundreds of people have died while seeking food since delivery was taken over by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation in May. But Palestinians facing extreme hunger have no choice but to take the risk

^{Kaamil Ahmed (The Guardian)}