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Government workers say their out-of-office replies were forcibly changed to blame Democrats for shutdown


Some employees at the Department of Education changed their responses back to the more neutral language, only to have it changed yet again to the partisan response, multiple sources tell WIRED.

https://www.wired.com/story/government-workers-say-their-out-of-office-replies-were-forcibly-changed-to-blame-democrats-for-shutdown/


in reply to elements

PEBCAK, too much Fakebook and the lack of common sense. For the rest of 10% maybe enough an VPN and updated devices.
Questa voce è stata modificata (4 settimane fa)


Can I remove Pipewire-ALSA without removing Pipewire itself?


This kinda stems from this issue I asked about a while back, Pipewire an PulseAudio have caused me quite a bit of confusion lately as I recently started experiencing crackling/static sounds from my Bluetooth speaker when playing audio.

After days of digging and thinking that I’ve fixed the issue by editing /usr/share/piperwire.conf and /usr/share/pipewire-pulse.conf and following guides like this one (I know the link is for EndeavorOS) I have seem to come to the conclusion that Pipewire-ALSA is the issue to the crackling/static sounds I’m hearing.

I stumbled upon qpwgraph which appears to visualize the flow and when I disconnect Pipewire-ALSA from the flow the cracking sounds stop, now from my understanding Pipewire and PulseAudio cannot coexist which is causing my confusion because Pipewire-ALSA also appears to connect to a bunch of PulseAudio Volume Controllers.

Edit;
I failed to mention my distro or hardware:

-------------
OS: Debian GNU/Linux 13 (trixie) x86_64
Kernel: Linux 6.12.48+deb13-amd64
Uptime: 2 hours, 19 mins
Packages: 4836 (dpkg), 50 (flatpak), 5 (snap)
Shell: bash 5.2.37
Display (VG249Q3A): 1920x1080 @ 165 Hz in 24" [External] *
Display (ASUS VG24V): 1920x1080 @ 120 Hz in 23" [External]
DE: KDE Plasma 6.3.6
WM: KWin (X11)
WM Theme: Nothing
Theme: Breeze (Nothing) [Qt], Breeze-Dark [GTK2], Breeze [GTK3]
Icons: breeze-dark [Qt], breeze-dark [GTK2/3/4]
Font: Noto Sans (10pt) [Qt], Noto Sans (10pt) [GTK2/3/4]
Cursor: WhiteSur (24px)
Terminal: konsole 25.4.2
CPU: Intel(R) Core(TM) i7-8700 (12) @ 4.60 GHz
GPU: NVIDIA GeForce RTX 3060 Ti [Discrete]
Memory: 9.36 GiB / 15.54 GiB (60%)
Swap: 1.26 GiB / 6.91 GiB (18%)
Disk (/): 172.66 GiB / 232.24 GiB (74%) - ext4
Disk (/media/user/Barracuda): 1.58 TiB / 1.78 TiB (89%) - ext4
Local IP (enp4s0): 192.168.1.17/24
Locale: en_US.UTF-8
Questa voce è stata modificata (1 mese fa)
in reply to ohshit604

I've run into the crackling problem recently as well. I think the ALSA module is improperly requesting a very low quant value causing applications to have a tiny audio buffer which they fail to keep filled, resulting in crackling.

To see if this is what's happening, try running pw-top and see if the quant column is a small number (~200). This is a very short audio buffer, it'll be low latency but if the source application can't keep the buffer filled then you will get the crackling effect. You can increase this value by setting a global minimum with:

pw-metadata -n settings 0 clock.min-quantum 2048

It will set the audio buffer to 1024/48000 seconds (or .0434s, 43.4ms). It will introduce a bit of latency (you can decrease the quant to 512 for ~20ms if you need lower latency).

This will not persist past a reboot, you'd have to edit a config file for that (pipewire.conf, maybe?).

in reply to ohshit604

Pipewire-pulse provides compatibility to programs that may not directly support pipewire yet.

Pipewire was developed to be a total drop in replacement to the Pulse audio sound server. It has compatibility layers that allow other things to talk to it.

Edit: debian is not showing pipewire-alsa as a hard dependency of pipewire
packages.debian.org/trixie/pip…

Questa voce è stata modificata (1 mese fa)

in reply to atopi

Subscribed to all five meme groups too, huh? Figured I'd spread it around to see where it gained traction.


Head of the Signal app threatens to withdraw from Europe


cross-posted from: lemmy.zip/post/50130760


Head of the Signal app threatens to withdraw from Europe


in reply to schizoidman

Please check out fightchatcontrol.eu/ if you want to take action against this.


Head of the Signal app threatens to withdraw from Europe


Technology reshared this.

in reply to Treczoks

We wouldn't have a simple and secure way of communicating?

The apple/Facebook alternatives are not good at all.

in reply to Valmond

Simplex, xmpp, deltachat, briar, matrix, even session.

Anything is better than signal that relies on a centralised proprietary server and requires a phone number.

Questa voce è stata modificata (4 settimane fa)
in reply to Seefra 1

Sure, but tell my family that...

Has any of those become like easy to install and use? To be fair I haven't checked in some time...

in reply to Valmond

With DeltaChat you don't even need an email address anymore, they provide it for you on the fly. They just ask your name if you (optionally) want to put it.

Can't be simpler than that tbh.

If you want a better looking ui, check ArcaneChat for Android. It's 100% compatible with DeltaChat protocol

in reply to Valmond

Simplex is really easy to install and use, unfortunately it's still kinda buggy, specially with public relays, I personally don't mind buggy, I'm willing to make sacrifices for the same of freedom and privacy.

I just keep a second chat app as a failback so I can send them a message saying "ur simplex broke again, pls restart"

Xmpp has been stable for decades, tho I guess otr/omemo is hard for family to install, also doesn't support e2ee calls (or rather, it does, but it's complicated). But I haven't used xmpp in a long time.

in reply to Seefra 1

I hate talkingpoints like that. Sure Signal can be critiqued, but it's still the best "mainstream" solution we have. And a lot of people would just stop using secure messanger when signal is gone. Including me because what is simplex or matrix worth for me, when no one I know cares to switch?
Questa voce è stata modificata (4 settimane fa)
in reply to jonnylyy

My personal experience is that if I can convince someone to install signal I can also convince them to install simplex, the process is the same. If I can't then they aren't going to use anything but the popular spyware anyway.
in reply to Seefra 1

I will absolutely try that, but most of the people switched to signal or threema because they already heard about it and could just use it because they already used it for some other contacts (actually this was the most common. They already had an account and the app and just had to use it more) . But I don't think a lot of people would switch to a messanger they never heard about, just for me.
in reply to jonnylyy

Well, that is fair, also simplex has some serious bugs which I don't mind because I value freedom, security and privacy over reliability, but sometimes the app just stops receiving messages until restarted and I need to message them via other means telling them to restart the app.


in reply to silence7

Shame ... North Carolina was once called the "Rip Van Winkle" state because it was so far behind everyone else. And it woke up briefly and briefly gave us a great public university system as well as Red Hat Linux. Then around the turn of the century, every racist boomer with a small pension from Jersey and New York sold their assets and moved down and bought up all of the old farmland and turned it into cardboard McMansions everywhere and made it MAGA heaven. That combined with all of the Fort Liberty homesteaders who spread out from Fayettenam like a cancer with their perpetual war contracts completely changed the state overnight.

A few years ago we had the biggest solar lobby in the country ... the old families had turned the tobacco fields into solar farms and it was going well. But I guess even they have been crowded out of their own state. It's a violent place now where people can shoot up the power stations to protest books and go unpunished, and spec ops guys can shoot working immigrants 200 yards from their property in "self defense" and not even be arrested.

It's now just a stew of MAGA that keeps brewing to the point that the original flavor has been lost. It will only get saltier. The "University" system is now run by MAGAts. It takes generations to set up infrastructure like what was set up around the RTP area, and only a few years to undo it all.

Sorry North Carolina, I had to leave.

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Zionist Zohran Mamdani condemns Hamas and calls October 7th a war crime


cross-posted from: lemmy.ml/post/37000436
in reply to Spectre

So…Forgot to mention Zohran Mamdani continues to accuse Israel of genocide…?
in reply to Spectre

People better get used to this - now that "lesser evilism" is as dead as a doornail the only way the libs will ever win an election again is by dangling faux-leftists like Mamdani in front of us.

in reply to RandAlThor

Apple CEO Tim Cook recently gave Trump a 24 carat gold bribe.

usatoday.com/story/news/politi…

in reply to NutWrench

That is just so sad that it's the way you have to do business. Constant praising and sucking up.


in reply to silence7

Betrayal after betrayal. This fucking asshole is worse the Trudeau ever was.



Have you considered emigrating from the US? If so, where to?


Either in regards to the current political situation, or for other reasons. What drew you to the idea of living in another country? Do you think whatever benefits it offers are really worth it, or is the grass just greener on the other side of the fence?
in reply to m_‮f

I’d leave in a heartbeat. I wanted to leave the US well before all this madness. I know Italian pretty well and a little Spanish, so I was considering moving to a country that speaks either. I don’t really have any professional qualifications though, so I kinda worry I’d just be a poor foreigner wherever I went.


Votação de vínculo entre motoristas e apps será em 30 dias, diz Fachin


cross-posted from: lemmy.eco.br/post/17061965



Family says Atlanta journalist Mario Guevara will be deported tomorrow


Mario Guevara, the Atlanta-based Spanish-language journalist who was arrested while covering an anti-Trump protest, has been transported to a Louisiana immigration facility, from where his family said he will be...


EPA Moves to Prioritize Review of New Chemicals for Data Centers


The agency’s administrator, Lee Zeldin, says he wants to “get out of the way” and stop “gumming up the works” so that fast-track construction of the massive computing facilities will “make America the artificial intelligence capital of the world.”


Hundreds of societies have been in crises like ours. An expert explains how they got out. | An analysis of historical crises over the past 2,000 years offers lessons for avoiding the end times.


the principles behind a successful exit from crisis remain relevant. While the specific policies will differ across societies, the overarching goal remains the same: to rebalance the distribution of wealth and power in a way that promotes long-term stability, not short-term elite enrichment.


The Price of Unpredictability


How Trump’s Foreign Policy Is Ruining American Credibility


Keren Yarhi-Milo
October 2, 2025

For decades, U.S. foreign policy has depended on credibility: the belief that Washington would honor its commitments and that its past behavior signaled its future conduct. The United States, for instance, was able to develop a large network of allies because its partners trusted that, if attacked, Washington would defend them. It could strike free-trade deals with countries around the world and negotiate peace agreements because, generally speaking, it was seen as an honest broker. That is not to say the United States has never surprised, or that it never reneged on a promise. But for most of its modern history, it has been a trustworthy actor.

But unlike any U.S. president before him, Donald Trump has abandoned all efforts to make Washington reliable or consistent. His predecessors had also, at times, made decisions that undermined American credibility. But Trump’s lack of consistency is of an entirely different magnitude—and appears to be part of a deliberate strategy. He proposes deals before backing down. He promises to end wars before expanding them. He berates U.S. allies and embraces adversaries. With Trump, the only pattern is the lack of one.



caffettistica truffa delle macchine universitarie (la macchinetta del caffè rotta mi ha rovinato la giornata)


Oggi, la giornata pareva aver incalzato un piede giusto (si può dire? boh!) — o, quantomeno, non marcio — sembrava che per una buona volta io potessi non soffrire — almeno, tolto il fattore meteo, che dalla sera alla sera stessa (letteralmente!) si è riconfigurato coi pinguini, e se adesso sono a casa senza un […]

octospacc.altervista.org/2025/…



in reply to corbin

Excel is such an incredible piece of shit. There's many reasons to hate it for me, but what i hate the most is not being able to do relationships in any meaningful way. So often i need to have one to many relationships and this garbage makes it impossible. Data consistency? Nope. Opening a csv? Fuck you! Why the fuck are there online tools that are better at this shit? You had 40 years ffs. No amount of AI is going to fix this turd. God I hate Excel.
in reply to robador51

There's a ton of reasons to hate Excel, I'm sure, but I don't think lack of support for relational data is a reasonable one. There's tools for that job, but Excel isn't trying to be one of them.
in reply to zalgotext

Just because it doesn't offer features a database has doesn't mean people aren't trying to use it as one

I support your argument, but unfortunately there are some real monstrosities out there that have carried small businesses since decades

in reply to Laser

Yeah, not denying that people use Excel to do all kinds of crazy shit. People using the tool wrong isn't the tool's fault though, right?
in reply to zalgotext

Wrong! If I am using a hammer to deliver babies I expect hammer manufacturers to put a rubber coating on the claw so it doesn't scratch the baby as I pry it out.
in reply to zalgotext

I get that. But it's a case that's just so incredibly common. Tagging/categorization. We end up with multiple columns like 'cat 1', 'cat 2', etc. Or doing pivot tables. I guess to me there's pretty much always something that can do the job better, but the reality is that in the corporate setting I operate in everybody uses Excel.
in reply to robador51

You are trying to use Excel like a database and that’s not its job. Use Access for that, if you must stick within the Office ecosystem
in reply to 4am

If I'm the only one doing it then I'd prefer to stick with sqlite. But the reality is that everyone I work with does these kinds of things in excel, and it's a shitshow. Yes, u could say 'don't blame the tool', but it's ms shoving it down our throats and they could've done much better with the time they had.
in reply to robador51

With power query, Excel can perform more database-like functions, I use it all the time! It comes with it's own quirks however
in reply to corbin

Some computer scientists really went "we made a computer that is programmed in a different way and is sometimes correct" and these idiot corpos went "wow put it in everything"




Ex-CDC director talks about why she was fired




Lemmy doesn't federate across either NOSTR bridge


Lemmy doesn't federate across either NOSTR bridge #fediverse #lemmy #mbin #nostr #meta

As you may know NOSTR (Notes and Other STuff via Relays) is another protocol for the fediverse like ActivityPub. In order to allow AP folks to communicate with NOSTR folks there are [at least] two "bridges" (mostr.pub & momostr.pink) created to allow certain level of server, client interaction between the two.

For some reason no lemmy communities nor users are ever found by either. It works just fine for mbin magazines and users. Do any of you have an idea why?



Perplexity’s Comet browser is now available to everyone for free


Shockingly, Perplexity says ‘the internet is better on Comet.’
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How Much Energy Does It Take to Power Billions of AI Queries?


All generative AI queries could hit 329 billion per day by 2030. See the big picture on AI's energy use, and how it's reshaping our world.

Technology reshared this.

in reply to kibiz0r

Sooner.

None of these AI applications are making money and unlike earlier IT companies (Amazon, Google search, social media site, etc ), the marginal cost of each additional user isn't near zero.

They are having to invest hundreds of billions to cope with demand for applications which lose money on each use.

It's a $50 billion dollar industry priced as a trillion dollar industry.

in reply to bobalot

I'm with you. I think the markets are going to be demanding results very soon now. When they do...Nvidia, Meta, Google, X, Microsoft stock prices are all going to go into free-fall.
in reply to bobalot

And there‘s still no compelling use-case for the average consumer. Coders and scientists? Can be. But most people don‘t really have a use for it in most situations, even in business contexts. It‘s mostly a solution in search of a problem, and even then it‘s so unreliable that even things trying to sell you it as a solution have to add the disclaimer that you shouldn‘t use it for anything that‘s remotely important.

So even if the costs were markedly less than they are, there‘s still no real path to profitability because there‘s no real call for it.

The only use I‘ve found as a consumer is using something like Perplexity as a search engine. And that‘s not a testament to how good Perplexity is, but instead a testament to how bad other search engines have become. Perplexity just avoids things like SEO and is mostly quite good at finding sources which aren‘t themselves AI-generated.

And…I really see a near future in which AI-SEO becomes a thing and Perplexity et. al. become just as useless as google.

in reply to SaraTonin

Next to no news on it being stem research, all the hype we are hearing is from csuites and CEO.
in reply to flango

And the training beforehand, distributed over models lifetime users?



Guinea and the Challenges for Social Democracy and the Left


cross-posted from: ibbit.at/post/70089

A group of people holding a flagDescription automatically generated

Demonstration on October 24, 2019, Conakry (Wikipedia Commons).

Following Guinea’s widely contested (and largely boycotted) constitutional referendum on September 21, 2025, Professor Mohamed Saliou Camara argues that the military junta has exploited the electoral process to establish authoritarian rule at the expense of social democracy.

In this exclusive interview for CounterPunch, Camara, Professor of History, Philosophy, and Journalism and Chair of the Department of African Studies at Howard University in Washington, DC, shares his analysis of Guinea’s political crisis. As an authority on Guinean political and social history, Dr. Camara is the author of several works such as, His Master’s Voice: Mass Communication and Single‑Party Politics in Guinea under Sékou Touré, Political History of Guinea since World War Two, and Health and Human Security in the Mano River Union. In his work, he also analyzes the country’s democratic transitions and derailments by the military junta under Colonel Mamady Doumbouya. Doumbouya promised a return to civilian rule but never delivered.

In this discussion, Camara delves into the junta’s suspension of oppositional political parties, independent electoral institutions, and the revision of the transition charter which basically amounts to allowing military figures to manipulate current and future elections. He summarizes the importance of civil society movements (youth-led) and heroic people like activists and journalists Foniké Mengué and Habib Marouane Camara. Their enforced disappearances in violation of international law symbolize the cost of resistance in today’s Guinean political climate.

Daniel Falcone: How do you explain the suspension of Guinea’s main opposition parties so close to the constitutional referendum and how does it compromise Guinean legitimacy?

Mohamed Saliou Camara: The only logical way the CNRD’s unilateral suspension of Guinea’s main opposition parties so close to the constitutional referendum can be explained is by considering it within the broader political climate of intimidation, cooptation, and exclusionary governance that the Doumbouya government has instituted with one thing in mind: having Mamady Doumbouya maintained in power through a highly undemocratic plebiscite.

In the past three years or so, Doumbouya and his CNRD have shown their true colors, turning the transition that they had pledged to lead in accordance with the will of the people and the common good of the country to a democratically elected leadership into a nationwide campaign of intimidation of democratic actors and civic leaders, many of whom have been silenced or forced into exile. Opposition leaders like Cellou Dalein Diallo of the UFDG, Sidya Touré of the UFR and, of course, former President Alpha Condé of the RPG are considered persona non grata while members of their parties are subjected to all kinds of political manipulation. Evidently, this unfolding climate of undemocratic governance does tarnish Guinea’s international image and, worse of all, it takes the country years back by undoing the political, economic, and sociocultural progress it has made against all odds.

The massive propaganda that the CNRD has been spreading notwithstanding, most Guineans are disappointed and worried, because when Doumbouya’s junta overthrew Alpha Condé and justified the coup by citing Condé’s falsification of the existing constitution to run for a third term, Guineans welcomed the change and were encouraged by Doumbouya’s pledge to return the country the constitutional order in a timely and democratic manner. Now, Guineans are disappointed by his betrayal of the people’s trust and expectations. Furthermore, they blame Alpha Condé for having made Doumbouya the powerful head of the newly created Special Forces and having provided him with the opportunity or excuse to orchestrate the September 2021 coup.

Daniel Falcone: What are the consequences of the newly created Directorate General of Elections (DGE) for “fairness and transparency” in the recent referendum? (This may impact the general elections upcoming in December).

Mohamed Saliou Camara: Just like the constitution being touted for a referendum, the DGE is customized to give legitimacy to Doumbouya’s desire and determination to stay in power against the pledge he made when he overthrew Alpha Condé. To be fair, though, the CENI (Independent Electoral National Commission) that it replaced also catered to the powers that be when it came to managing elections and tallying the results. For instance, the Guinean electorate is still baffled by the CENI’s decision to declare Condé winner of the second round of the 2010 presidential election over Cellou Dalein Diallo who had won the first round with 40% of the votes against Condé with only 18%. In fact, CENI’s bad reputation can be traced back to the Lansana Conté era.

Therefore, I would argue that keeping that agency or replacing it with a DGE makes little difference in the general context of what one may call Guinea’s non-democratic electoralism. We should not, however, lower the standards or our expectations, if for no other reason because two wrongs don’t make a right. Yet, we should point out that elections in Guinea have very rarely been transparent, free, and fair; regardless of what national officials or foreign observers say. We, who have experienced, witnessed, and been caught up in the whirlwind of Guinean politics, we know what it has been and why the current situation is a culmination of a long spiral.

Daniel Falcone: To what extent does the draft constitution impact the transition charter’s promise that junta leaders would not be eligible to run in future elections? It looks like political groundwork is being laid for Mamady Doumbouya to stay in power.

Mohamed Saliou Camara: The short answer to this question is that the draft constitution alters everything in the original transition Charter. In fact, and as indicated earlier, before the issuance of the Charter itself, Doumbouya had made a solemn pledge that neither he nor another member of his junta would be a candidate in the elections that will come at the end of the transition. Guineans, Africans, and the International Community gave that pledge the value and momentum that it should carry as the word of honor of a military officer to his nation. In the last three years, however, a massive campaign has been developed through comités de soutien that popped up across the country in highly corrupt circles to advocate for Doumbouya to be the candidate in the next presidential election.

Doumbouya’s CNRD has been distributing large amounts of money, cars, and similar gifts to people of all walks of life who are eager to create or adhere to such support committees and promote the “Oui” vote in the constitutional referendum. This is happening while Guinea’s Central Bank is running out of cash even to pay government employees. Where is that money and those cars coming from to fuel the rampant trend of political corruption? Many Guineans suspect that they are coming from the massive amounts of gold, bauxite, iron ore and similar mineral resources that foreign countries and industries are extracting from their country that remains impoverished despite its immense natural resources.

Daniel Falcone: What role are civil society actors and youth-led movements playing in the current moment and could you speak to the significance of figures like Foniké Mengué and Habib Marouane Camara in the pro-democracy struggle? I met organizers protesting by the UN that commented on the invisibility of their rights and human rights issues.

Mohamed Saliou Camara: Civil society actors, especially youth-led movements, rose against the CNRD’s campaign after it reneged its pledge to lead a legitimate transition and let the people choose democratically the country’s next leadership. They began to hold peaceful protests and town halls to mobilize, inform, sensitize, and guide civil society communities so they can decisively stand their ground and help preserve the legitimate rights and interests of the nation. This is exactly when the CNRD began showing its true colors by arresting, kidnapping, detaining, and killing leaders and members of these movements.

Such leaders as Fonikè Mengué and Habib Marouane Camara, whose fate remains unknown to this day, are henceforth heroes whose example many more are determined to follow, especially within the Guinean Diaspora. Despite what the protesters around the UN told you, Guinean Diaspora protests are more visible because the junta has unleashed a campaign of intolerance against anyone who challenges its intentions and dictatorial actions inside the country.

The post Guinea and the Challenges for Social Democracy and the Left appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


From CounterPunch.org via this RSS feed



De-Globalization: Towards the Left or the Right?


cross-posted from: ibbit.at/post/70103

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

On Sept 23, 2025, the Foreign Policy Association and the Committee of 100 hosted a debate on the topic “Is Deglobalization Inevitable?,” with Walden Bello, co-chair of the Board of Focus on the Global South, and Edward Ashbee of the Copenhagen Business School, with Bello defending the affirmative side, after a fireside chat with Nobel Laureate Joseph Stiglitz. The audience judged Bello’s position the more persuasive of the two sides.

In the 1990s, we were told that we were entering an era, known as globalization, that, owing to free trade and unobstructed capital flows in a borderless global economy, would lead to the best of all possible worlds. Most of the West’s economic, political, and intellectual elites bought into this vision. I still remember how the venerable Thomas Friedman of The New York Timeslampooned those of us who resisted this vision as “flat-earthers,” or believers in a flat earth. I still recall the equally venerable Economist magazine singling me out as coining the word “deglobalization,” not with the aim of hailing me as a prophet but as a fool preaching a return to a Jurassic past.

Thirty years on, this flat-earther takes no pride in having forecast the mess we are in, to which unfettered globalization has been a central contributor: the highest rates of inequality in decades, growing poverty in both the Global North and the Global South, deindustrialization in the United States and many other countries, massive indebtedness of consumers in the Global North and whole countries in the Global South, financial crisis after financial crisis, the rise of the far right, and intensifying geopolitical conflict.

Globalization did not lead to a new world order but to the Brave New World.

Snapshots of a Dreary Era


Let me present three snapshots of that era of globalization that we are now leaving:

Snapshot No 1: Apple was one of the main beneficiaries of globalization. Apple led the escape away from the confines of the national economy to create global supply chains propped up by cheap labor. Let me just quote The New York Times in this regard:

Apple employs 43,000 people in the United States and 20,000 overseas, a small fraction of the over 400,000 American workers at General Motors in the 1950s, or the hundreds of thousands at General Electric in the 1980s. Many more people work for Apple’s contractors: an additional 700,000 people engineer, build and assemble iPads, iPhones and Apple’s other products. But almost none of them work in the United States. Instead, they work for foreign companies in Asia, Europe, and elsewhere, at factories that almost all electronics designers rely upon to build their wares.

Apple, of course, was not alone in the drive to deindustrialize America. It was accompanied by fellow IT corporations Microsoft, Intel, and Invidia; automakers GM, Ford, and Tesla; pharmaceutical giants Johnson and Johnson and Pfizer; and other leaders in other industries and services, such as Procter and Gamble, Coca Cola, Walmart, and Amazon, to name just a few. The favorite destination was China, where wages were 3-5 percent of wages of workers in the United States. The “China Shock” is estimated, conservatively, to have led to the loss of 2.4 million U.S. jobs. Employment in manufacturing dropped to 11.7 million in October 2009, a loss of 5.5 million or 32 percent of all manufacturing jobs since October 2000. The last time fewer than 12 million people worked in the manufacturing sector was before World War II, in 1941.

Snapshot 2: The removal of the barriers to the free flow of capital globally led to the Third World Debt Crisis in the early 1980s, which almost brought down the Citibank and other U.S. financial institutions, and the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, which brought down the so-called Asian miracle economies. Removing global capital controls was accompanied by the deregulation of the U.S. financial system, which led to the creation of massive profit-making scams through the so-called magic of financial engineering like the frenzied trading in sub-prime mortgages. Not only were millions bankrupted and lost their homes when the subprime securities were exposed as rotten, but the whole global system stood on the brink of collapse in 2008, and it was saved only by the bailout of U.S. banks, with U.S. taxpayers money, to the tune of over $1 trillion.

Snapshot 3 is the famous French economist Thomas Piketty’s summing up of the U.S. economic tragedy of the first quarter of the twenty-first century.

[I] want to stress that the word “collapse” [in the case of the United States] is no exaggeration. The bottom 50 percent of the income distribution claimed around 20 percent of national income from 1950 to 1980; but that share has been divided almost in half, falling to just 12 per cent in 2010–2015. The top centile’s share has moved in the opposite direction, from barely 11 per cent to more than 20 percent.

Accompanying this massive increase in inequality in the United States has been an increase in poverty. Globally, according to available data, since the financial crises of 2007-08, wealth inequality has risen, and now the top one percent owns half the world’s total household wealth.

Let me turn from this nostalgic recounting of the past, and once more, let me focus on our good friend Apple. It is now leading the so-called reshoring process. It has read the handwriting on the wall and, though this will negatively affect its bottom line and scramble its operations, to protect the remainder of its super profits, it is leading the reshoring of its supply chains, with a planned $600 billion investment in the manufacture within the United States of its iPhone, iPad, MacBook, as well as in the fabrication of semi-conductor chips. Boasting that Apple manufacturing plans will create 450,000 jobs in the United States, CEO Tim Cook admitted to being a hostage to Trump’s push to deglobalize the operations of American firms, saying, “The president has said he wants more in the United States…so we want more in the United States.” Where Apple goes, others follow, among them U.S. chipmakers Intel and Nvidia, automotive leader Tesla, and pharmaceutical giant Johnson and Johnson.

But American firms are not the only hostages to politics. Among the foreign firms that have bowed to Trump’s ultra-protectionist push via unilateral tariff increases by regionalizing or nationalizing their supply lines are Hyundai Motors, Honda Motors, Samsung electronics, Taiwanese chipmaker TSMC, and pharmaceutical firm Sanofi.

Although reshoring or relocation has proceeded by fits and starts over the last decade, under the first Trump administration and the Biden administration, it is likely to accelerate over the next few years, despite constraints and inefficiencies, as economic nationalism rises in the United States and the West. In 2023, an exhaustive study of North American firms showed that that more than 90 percent of manufacturing companies in the region had moved at least some of their production or supply chain in the past five years. Another study conducted at the same time showed that by 2026, 65 percent of surveyed companies would be buying most key items from regional suppliers, compared to just 38 percent in 2023. With Trump imposing unilateral tariffs on Mexico and Canada, companies are realizing that relocating to the NAFTA partners may not appease Trump; they will have to relocate to the United States itself, despite the disruption and chaos that might accompany that process, such as that which saw 300 workers vital to the Hyundai facility in Georgia arrested by ICE and deported to Korea.

Rage: Triggered by the Left, Expropriated by the Right


The tremendous global anger and resentment at the dystopia to which corporate-driven globalization has led us is perhaps the biggest reason why deglobalization will be the trend for a long, long while. That rage first came from the left, which inflicted a reversal from which corporate-driven globalization never recovered during the historic Battle of Seattle in December 1999. But it was Donald Trump and other forces of the far right that successfully rode that anger to political triumph in the United States and Europe in the coming decades.

In other words, the politics of rage, not the economics of narrow efficiency in the service of corporate profitability is now in command. In the United States, globalization created two antagonistic communities, one that benefited from it due to their superior education and incomes, the other that suffered from it owing to their lack of both economic and educational advantages. The latter is the vast sector of the population that Hillary Clinton called the “deplorables,” but is better known as the “Make America Great Again” folks or MAGA base. That community will not easily forget either the sufferings brought about by the deindustrialization spearheaded by Apple and other well-known TNCs or the slights they endured from Hillary, whom they regard as being in the pocket of Wall Street.

A second reason for the strength of the deglobalization wave is that the multilateral order that served as the political canopy or system of governance for free trade and unobstructed capital flows is on the brink of collapse. The World Trade Organization, which was once described as the jewel in the crown of multilateralism, no longer functions as a system for governing world trade, partly owing to sabotage by the United States, when under Obama and later Trump and Biden, Washington could no longer rely on favorable rulings in trade disputes. The International Monetary Fund has not recovered from its reputation of promoting austerity in developing countries and its push for unfettered capital flows that brought down the Asian tiger economies. The World Bank also is discredited for its complicity in imposing austerity measures as well as for the wrong-headed policy of export-oriented industrialization for Global North markets that the Bank prescribed as the route to prosperity for developing countries—one that is now especially fatal for those who followed it given the ultra-protectionism sweeping the United States.

Third, national security, both economic security and military security, has displaced prosperity through trade and investment as the principal consideration in relations among countries. Both the Biden and Trump administrations have banned the transfer of advanced computer chips to China, and more such measures will follow. Reorganizing and regionalizing, if not nationalizing, access to and supply lines for key resources for advanced technologies like lithium, rare earth, copper, cobalt, and nickel is now an overriding concern, the aim being not only to monopolize these sensitive commodities but to prevent competitors from getting hold of them.

Two Routes to a Deglobalized World


The issue is not the inevitability of deglobalization but what form deglobalization will take. Deglobalization marked by ultra-protectionism in trade relations, unilateralism and isolationism in economic and military relations, and the creation of a domestic market geared principally towards the interests of the racial and ethnic majority is one way to deglobalize. That is indeed where Trump is leading the United States.

But there is another way to deglobalize, the key elements of which I laid out in my book Deglobalization: Ideas for a New World Economy 25 years ago.

One, we do not demand a withdrawal into autarky but continued participation in the international economy, but in a way that ensures that instead of swamping it, international market forces are harnessed to assist in building the capacity to sustain a vibrant domestic economy.

Two, we propose that via a judicious combination of equality-enhancing redistributive measures and reasonable tariffs and quotas, the internal market will again become the engine of a healthy economy instead of being an appendage of an export-oriented economy.

Third, we promote participation in a plurality of economic groupings–those that allow countries to maintain policy space for development, instead of imprisoning them in a single global body, the World Trade Organization, with a uniform set of rules, one that favors the interests of transnational corporations instead of the interests of their citizens.

Fourth, inspired by the work of Karl Polanyi, we advocate the re-embedding of the market in the community, so that instead of driving the latter, as in global capitalism, the market is subject to the values and rhythms of the community.

And finally, in contrast to the far right, we uphold the notion of community as one where membership is not determined by blood or ethnicity but by a shared belief in democratic values.

That is the alternative we offered a quarter of a century ago. This fluid system of international trade that allows especially the economies of the Global South the space to pursue sustainable development is not far from the flexible global trading system before the takeoff of globalization in the late eighties, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Twenty five years ago, we were promoting and we continue to promote a route of progressive deglobalization, one that avoids the extreme of the doctrinaire dystopia of corporate-driven globalization, on the one hand, and, on the other, savage unilateralism and protectionism. This route to deglobalization is not new, nor, some would claim, particularly radical. Keynes’ common sense advice, addressing the global situation in the 1930s, is very relevant to our times, “Let goods be homespun whenever it is reasonably and conveniently possible, and, above all, let finance be primarily national.”

Had we taken this route, I dare say, the chances are great that we would not be in the terrible mess the world is in today, with the threat not only of trade war but of real war at its doorsteps. There is still time to take this route, but the window of opportunity is closing fast.

The post De-Globalization: Towards the Left or the Right? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


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Ea Sports Fc, Electronic Arts passa al fondo saudita: acquisizione da 55 miliardi guidata da PIF e Affinity Partners


Electronic Arts (EA) annuncia l’acquisizione da parte di un consorzio guidato dal Public Investment Fund (PIF) dell’Arabia Saudita e partecipato da Silver Lake e da Affinity Partners, la società d’investimento fondata da Jared Kushner. L’operazione valuta EA circa 55 miliardi di dollari e prevede il delisting dal Nasdaq a completamento del closing.

I DETTAGLI: Ea Sports Fc, Electronic Arts passa al fondo saudita: acquisizione da 55 miliardi guidata da PIF e Affinity Partners

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Meta is exploiting the 'illusion of privacy' to sell you ads based on chatbot conversations, top AI ethics expert says—and you can't opt out


Meta is about to make your chats with its AI assistant part of its advertising machine, the company announced Wednesday. Beginning December 16, conversations with Meta AI — the company’s chatbot embedded across Facebook, Instagram, Messenger, and even its new Ray-Ban Display smart glasses — will be used to determine which ads and recommendations show up in your feed.

The company will start formally notifying users of the change on October 7. There’s no opt-out: If you don’t want your chatbot conversations influencing your ads, the only option is not to use Meta AI at all.

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Anyone using a Linux Smarphone?


Is anyone here using a (non-Android) linux Smartphone? Curious what type of phones y'all are using and what your experience has been.
in reply to hdnclr

I wish Ununtu Touch switched name, since its neither Ubuntu nor Canonical any longer.
in reply to snikta

Hang in you mean Ubuntu touch right? There's no such thing as Ubuntu touch?