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The Conductor


Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have

Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have risen in many of them. But the impact of overturning Roe v. Wade extends far beyond medical catastrophes. It also appears in the quieter struggles—a myriad of small, compounding barriers that stand between individuals and their access to health care. Here are some of the stories of people who have stepped up to do what they can to provide care, and some of the women who found themselves trapped in a system increasingly difficult to navigate.

People from the Midwest are often referred to us through their local abortion funds, which cover the clinical costs, but not the travel. That’s where we come in.

I’ve been working on our hotline since the fall of 2016. In the past, when nobody was messaging us, it was kind of nice to have a little break. Now, when there’s more need than ever and it’s calm, I feel anxious. “Why is it quiet?” I wonder. It feels like there’s an increase in people who don’t have funding for the abortion. Often, abortion funds in their state have hit capacity.

Sometimes people have their abortions already scheduled and just need money for gas, hotels, or flights. We might recommend a clinic depending on where they are and how far along they are in their pregnancy. If someone doesn’t know that information, we may suggest a state and clinic that provides care through the second trimester to better ensure they won’t be turned away.

Statistically, most people who have abortions already have children. I am so glad when we can refer parents to clinics with children’s areas. It’s such a relief to parents that they can get their medication abortion while their 2-year-olds are safe in the play place. We also know clinics that excel at advocating for Spanish-speaking folks.

I worry about new barriers to abortion. We have seen in the news immigrant communities reducing visits to doctor’s appointments due to fear of deportation. There’s absolutely no way that isn’t going to impact folks who are trying to travel for abortion care. But I trust that the reproductive justice community will keep finding ways. That’s what this is—people, on abortion fund hotlines, volunteer drivers and appointment companions, doulas and midwives, clinic escorts—people meeting their communities where they are at, and saying, “Yeah, I’m free this Saturday, and I want to help.”

—MJ, director of programs, Midwest Access Coalition

Read more Abortion Diaries here.


This post has been syndicated from Mother Jones, where it was published under this address.





The Alternative


Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have

Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have risen in many of them. But the impact of overturning Roe v. Wade extends far beyond medical catastrophes. It also appears in the quieter struggles—a myriad of small, compounding barriers that stand between individuals and their access to health care. Here are some of the stories of people who have stepped up to do what they can to provide care, and some of the women who found themselves trapped in a system increasingly difficult to navigate.

During college, I interned at a hospital in Cairo, where the labor and delivery floors were filled with women who had obtained unsafe abortions. I saw first-hand the repercussions of abortion bans. That, plus my mom’s difficult experience accessing abortion care before Roe v. Wade, made me passionate about helping people access safe care.

I went to medical school because I wanted to be an abortion-providing clinician but ultimately decided to work in research and policy. About 10 years ago, a legal colleague and I founded a nonprofit that developed strategies for delivering safe and effective medication abortion care in legally restricted and low-resource settings, like northern Thailand and rural Pakistan.

Then, in 2022, the US Supreme Court allowed states to ban abortion. The same year, Massachusetts enacted the first comprehensive Shield Law in the country: It effectively redefines the location of telemedicine abortion care. If the clinician is licensed and physically practicing in Massachusetts, then the telemedicine care is considered to be taking place in Massachusetts, regardless of the patient’s location. That legally protects Massachusetts clinicians, as well as helpers and funders, providing abortion care to patients physically located in other states.

We launched The Massachusetts Medication Abortion Access Project (The MAP) in September 2023. It’s an asynchronous telemedicine service that can be accessed through our website. We do a basic eligibility screen based on chronological age, gestational age and geography; most people are eligible based on those criteria, and they get an email with links to the medical questionnaire and consent forms. The clinician can then approve the patient for a shipment of pills or connect with them to talk through concerns. We ask abortion seekers to pay what they can afford—as little as $5.

There are patients that are not eligible for our service, either because of gestational age or because of underlying medical conditions. We work closely with them to try to find clinical care if that’s what they need.

We are very much a part of the formal healthcare system: We work with the state government and comply with all state laws. We provide abortion-seeking patients across the country with an alternative to traveling out of state for in-clinic care. More than half of our patients are from Texas, Florida, and Georgia, and 95 percent are from states with bans or very restrictive laws governing abortion access.

Complications from medication abortion are very, very rare, but we also provide information about what constitutes the need for clinical intervention, and how patients can safely seek follow-up care.

The biggest challenge we face is about our perceived legitimacy. When people learn there’s this group in Massachusetts that will send FDA-approved medications to your home for $5, it sounds absolutely bananas. People think this must be a scam, or that the pills are fake. It’s heartbreaking for us, because we’re real people. We’re a legitimate service. We’ve got highly trained clinicians who are doing this work. Some of our clinicians have been providing abortion care for decades.

—Dr. Angel Foster, DPhil, MD, AM, Co-Founder of The MAP

Read more Abortion Diaries here.


This post has been syndicated from Mother Jones, where it was published under this address.




The Survivor


Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have

Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have risen in many of them. But the impact of overturning Roe v. Wade extends far beyond medical catastrophes. It also appears in the quieter struggles—a myriad of small, compounding barriers that stand between individuals and their access to health care. Here are some of the stories of people who have stepped up to do what they can to provide care, and some of the women who found themselves trapped in a system increasingly difficult to navigate.

We had been trying to get pregnant, and in early 2023, we found out we were expecting a baby girl and decided on the name Cielle. (We already had a 1-year-old daughter named Camille.) At 20 weeks, we found out I had low levels of amniotic fluid. In the two weeks before we could get into the specialist’s office, I looked up ways to boost amniotic fluid and stuff and went all in on nutrition, rest, and hydration. I was willing to try anything.

At the follow-up ultrasound, I could see the baby had a strong heartbeat and was moving. She hadn’t been moving much at the previous appointment, so I thought the doctor was about to tell us really good news. Instead, the doctor told me that I went from having low amniotic fluid to having absolutely none. That is when he delivered the worst-case scenario: She was not going to make it, but I would have to carry her until she passed because of our state laws. He told me that intervening would be considered an abortion and that he could face up to 10 years in prison and a $100,000 fine for ending my nonviable pregnancy.

He didn’t mention going out of state as an option. At the time, I didn’t know that could be a possibility, because I was so scared of us getting in trouble. So, I carried her until she passed away five weeks later. I went in for an appointment with my OB-GYN every Tuesday to see if she was alive. Eventually, I went in for my routine check-up, and her heartbeat was gone.

We lived in Fort Smith, Arkansas, at the time—a small community with small hospitals. My OB-GYN told me that he and his colleagues didn’t feel comfortable with me having my stillbirth there since they didn’t have enough staff or a large enough blood supply to accommodate me if something went wrong. I had to drive three hours to Little Rock, to have Cielle—away from family, away from friends. My placenta was moving down to cover my cervix, a life-threatening complication, which is why everything was happening really fast.

On the three-hour drive to Little Rock, I was anxious. I have never been super religious, and I struggled even more with my faith when we lost Cielle. It didn’t help that we got a lot of hateful feedback from Christian people pushing their religion on our experience. I stepped away from even believing that there was a God, but I was listening to worship music the whole way there out of fear and desperation because I thought that I might not make it back home. When Cielle was born, she came out looking so human—she had hair, she had everything. But she was already decomposing. I just didn’t want to see her that way.

We had been told a funeral home was going to take Cielle back to Forth Smith. But the day I was supposed to go home, they told us it would be $1,000 to transport her body. We weren’t expecting that expense. We called other funeral homes, and one of them suggested that we bring her home ourselves. It didn’t cost anything, and the hospital provided us with dry ice.

I am glad I had the extra time with her on my lap on the car ride home, but it was still harrowing. I do not feel like I had an option or choice in anything. It was messy and chaotic and horrible, and I don’t want anyone else to have to go through that.

You have to wonder, are anti-abortion people really pro-life? Because I guess my life didn’t matter when my placenta started to move down and cover my cervix and I risked hemorrhaging. At what point when I’m dying or at risk of dying do you intervene?

—Theresa Lee, formerly of Fort Smith, Arkansas

Read more Abortion Diaries here.


This post has been syndicated from Mother Jones, where it was published under this address.



The Patient


Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have

Three years ago, in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority enabled states to severely restrict abortion or ban it outright. Since then, 17 states have enacted such limits; infant and maternal mortality have risen in many of them. But the impact of overturning Roe v. Wade extends far beyond medical catastrophes. It also appears in the quieter struggles—a myriad of small, compounding barriers that stand between individuals and their access to health care. Here are some of the stories of people who have stepped up to do what they can to provide care, and some of the women who found themselves trapped in a system increasingly difficult to navigate.

Back in 2022, I was 17 years old. A box of condoms was $15, and I could not easily afford it. I also didn’t have a car, and the closest place to get condoms was 2 miles away. Realistically, is a teenager going to walk 2 miles in the Texas heat to go pick up a $15 pack of condoms? Plus, we have laws around minors accessing birth control without parental consent—that was another barrier, especially because I lived with a single father.

I had also been dealing with a lot of health issues: particularly nausea and something called Premenstrual Dysphoric Disorder. It’s like bipolar disorder or post-partum depression, except that it happens every time you are about to menstruate. It could also be confused for pregnancy-related hormone changes. My cycle also is irregular but averages about 38 days long, so it takes more time for me to realize a missed period. All these factors stopped me from realizing I was pregnant as soon as I could.

When the test came back positive, I knew I wasn’t going to be able to get an abortion in Texas. There was a six-week ban, and I was already past that.

Because of SB 8, a lot of abortion funds weren’t helping patients in Texas. There was that uncertainty about what was going to happen: “Are we going to be criminalized? Are our patients going to be criminalized?” It was a total pause while they were figuring out how to move forward.

I posted a couple of videos on TikTok, talking about having to travel, being pregnant, and what a horrible experience it was, especially as a teenager who was already chronically ill. I got over $400 in donations. Of course, I got hate, but so many people were kind.

My parents took money out of savings, and a few friends and family members contributed to cover the costs of gas, food, and motels. I was feeling a lot of shame, but my mom told me something that helped: “When you are ovulating, when you are fertile, your body is actively trying to get you pregnant. That is the biological purpose of your reproductive system. So, who are you to feel shame for your body working properly?”

Even though it was 700 miles away, my mom and I decided to go with New Mexico, because I have family there.

My mother, my boyfriend, and I left Texas late morning, and we got to New Mexico around 1 a.m. I was constantly nauseous and dealing with awful motion sickness on the 11-hour car ride. My appointment was the next day at 9 a.m.

Our motel was kind of shady—the room smelled weird, and I didn’t feel safe. It was also a quick trip. We left less than 12 hours after the procedure. On the car ride home, the pain and cramping came in waves. But after my procedure, I felt like a weight was lifted off my shoulders.

I want people in similar situations to know there are coalitions out there—people willing to provide legal services or funding. There is nothing wrong with asking for help.

—Dakota B, San Antonio, Texas.

Read more Abortion Diaries here.


This post has been syndicated from Mother Jones, where it was published under this address.





Greetings Programs!! We are 7 days away from @pidgin 3.0 Experimental 3!! Come on by and see what we're going to cut to make that date!!

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#Pidgin #OpenSource #C #Gtk #Chat #Messaging



JavaScript broke the web (and called it progress)

by Jono Alderson (@jono.id [BSky])

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#JavaScript #SoftwareDevelopment #Technology

Questa voce è stata modificata (3 mesi fa)


Depurador de ar inox: 5 modelos para deixar sua cozinha bonita e sem cheiro
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Borsa, Hong Kong apre a +1,32% con tregua Israele-Iran - Notizie - Ansa.it
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Pubblicato su Economia @economia-AgenziaAnsa

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Kassel ist überall oder: Warum Deutschland jetzt Remigration braucht ansage.org/kassel-ist-ueberall… Zeitbombe Migration (Symbolbild:Imago) Schon im zarten Alter von fünf Lenzen war ich bereits über die Bedeutung des Namens Jonathan Frakes voll im Bilde. Gemeinsam mit meiner Oma schaute ich “X-Faktor: Das Unfassbare”, eine Mystery-Sendung, die der aus “Star Trek” bekannte Schauspieler moderierte. Dort wurden unglaubliche Fälle im Stil von



Fighting Antihumanism


Fighting anti-humanism is my life's work. I talk about humanism a lot, an annoying amount, and I name half my internet entities humanissome. I do this because I believe that the problems in our world reflect a pervasive anti-humanism. Standing up for humanism is the ultimate fight, the effort to rescue each individual and simultaneously all humanity.

Examples of pervasive anti-humanism and humanistic attitudes to combat them:

Capitalism. Money-centered existence diminishes individuals & humanity. Center what's natural: the body (including emotions), all humans, animals, plants, the planet. Use labor and capital for the benefit of those.open for longer discussionYes of course this frequent villain tops the list! To the extent that capitalism is a tool in service of humanity it can be neutral. The problem is that it's an ism and isms are systems. Capitalism has proven to be a more robust system than humanism (or communism) for 2 reasons that I can think of. It appears neutral. “Let the market decide,” we frequently hear. There's no central committee determining priorities in who gets what resources; it comes down to having money. If you have it you get things; if you have no money you can rot and die. Objectivity! Of course there is no objectivity when it comes to laws passed, military strikes, humans incarcerated and killed. The appearance of objectivity is that those who have the money (objective!) get to make all the subjective decisions. (“I'm the decider!” in the words of a former particularly powerful, undeserving leader.) The second reason that capitalism prevails is that it depends on greed, a very real, prevalent human vice. (“Greed is good!” said an 80s movie caricature who became a role model for many.) Capitalists might argue that it's a system like democracy, the worst form of Government except all those other forms that have been tried, that has produced humankind's greatest chance of peaceful prosperity. My shortest rebuttal is to ask: Do we want to defend what has gotten us to the way things are or to consider the possibility that we can do better? Incidentally genuine free and fair democracy is the best hope for humanist improvement. The US has never been close to that. This section could expand to its own essay, a book, a lifelong debate. To simplify for this discussion, capitalism is not compatible with humanism because of its numerous anti-humanist outcomes. Considering profits for the wealthy over general wellbeing is dooming humanity. This debate is the existential challenge confronting humanity. How does an individual participate in abandoning capitalism? (Or if you prefer a softer version: How does an individual help improve capitalism to achieve humanist results?) Living is Humanist Job 1. In the current world many are consumed by the struggle to stay alive. Unfortunately existence is a privilege today. I believe the requirements for satisfaction in living (meaningfulness) is proportional to privilege. Life intrinsically has meaning. For many staying alive is all that is possible, and their lives are meaningful. As one's privilege increases expectation grows. “With great power comes great responsibility.” World horrors result from the dysfunction of inordinate privilege not harnessed to commensurate service. The imbalanced selfishness erodes character and satisfaction. I believe that “the modern condition” of ennui is a reflection of unused privilege. It's important to emphasize that this evaluation of sufficient meaning is internal. It's not possible to judge from outside. There is no karmic system in humanissome. It is also impossible to know the life satisfaction felt by another unless they reveal it. We only have results to go on. It appears that those who lead lives spreading vitriol and cruelty are unhappy. In world affairs we cannot know; in personal interactions we may ask others to confide in us their self reported life satisfaction. I have received a great deal of unsolicited life advice from others who admit they are unhappy. Nobody's perfect of course. This paragraph is another that could be a book.I leverage my privilege to extract as much progress as possible toward humanist goals. I do not commit labor to society-harming entities. I minimize consumption. I have managed to stay alive 6 years this way. My next step is to liquidate possessions as I seek greater life satisfaction, reduction in harm, and increased devotion to long-term writing goals. I offer my own work freely, requesting donations in exchange. (If I produce a book I may sell it conventionally but I would still make copies available on sliding scale.)

Perfectionism. “I'm right, they're wrong. They're idiots. What's wrong with those people? They're not like me, they're animals.” · “My mind is terrible, I can't remember anything. I'm so fat now. I was better fifteen years ago.” Ranking and judging damages self worth, deteriorates human community. Settle for less. What is is. What is is good. Diversity is good. Perfection is a delusion. Love all. Ok, now, ya hippie, how can you love all?! Equally?! I'm not concerned about equally, that's a ranking urge. I strive to live centered in love. It's not easy. It's work. I love myself and others in our imperfections. I aspire to love all unconditionally.

Minimizing Feelings. “I'm afraid of looking at certain texts, talking to certain people. I'm pathetic. Worrying makes it worse, I should just...” Hating feelings is hating oneself. Feelings are natural, beautiful, human. Instead of seeing a conflict between feelings and reason I seek peaceful coexistence. (Compossibility is an important word in my philosophy for another time.) Feelings are valid. Feelings are who I am. Reason is too. These provide data for me to consider. I can change any time. I make decisions based on feelings and reason.

There's so much more. I started a weekly blog a couple months ago to force me to write and publish constantly. The work builds. There is no perfect. I'm grateful to be working in a space that collects my efforts (corporate spaces usually throw yesterday's unpopular work away). I hope to keep going.

R-)

This is Rob Middleton's weekly blog.
Find me on Mastodon or on the links.

Follow the blog at dotart.blog/humanissome or on the fediverse @humanissome@dotart.blog or via RSS

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Roshan Abraham: 'A Black Hole of Energy Use': Meta's Massive #AI Data Center Is Stressing Out a #Louisiana Community. Details about how Meta's nearly Manhattan-sized data center will impact consumers' power bills are still secret.

#ClimateChange #fossilfuels #coal #meta #energy
404media.co/a-black-hole-of-en…


'A Black Hole of Energy Use': Meta's Massive AI Data Center Is Stressing Out a Louisiana Community


A massive data center for Meta’s AI will likely lead to rate hikes for Louisiana customers, but Meta wants to keep the details under wraps.

Holly Ridge is a rural community bisected by US Highway 80, gridded with farmland, with a big creek—it is literally named Big Creek—running through it. It is home to rice and grain mills and an elementary school and a few houses. Soon, it will also be home to Meta’s massive, 4 million square foot AI data center hosting thousands of perpetually humming servers that require billions of watts of energy to power. And that energy-guzzling infrastructure will be partially paid for by Louisiana residents.

The plan is part of what Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg said would be “a defining year for AI.” On Threads, Zuckerberg boasted that his company was “building a 2GW+ datacenter that is so large it would cover a significant part of Manhattan,” posting a map of Manhattan along with the data center overlaid. Zuckerberg went on to say that over the coming years, AI “will drive our core products and business, unlock historic innovation, and extend American technology leadership. Let's go build! 💪”

Mark Zuckerberg (@zuck) on Threads
This will be a defining year for AI. In 2025, I expect Meta AI will be the leading assistant serving more than 1 billion people, Llama 4 will become the leading state of the art model, and we’ll build an AI engineer that will start contributing increasing amounts of code to our R&D efforts. To power this, Meta is building a 2GW+ datacenter that is so large it would cover a significant part of Manhattan.
Threads


What Zuckerberg did not mention is that "Let's go build" refers not only to the massive data center but also three new Meta-subsidized, gas power plants and a transmission line to fuel it serviced by Entergy Louisiana, the region’s energy monopoly.

Key details about Meta’s investments with the data center remain vague, and Meta’s contracts with Entergy are largely cloaked from public scrutiny. But what is known is the $10 billion data center has been positioned as an enormous economic boon for the area—one that politicians bent over backward to facilitate—and Meta said it will invest $200 million into “local roads and water infrastructure.”

A January report from NOLA.com said that the the state had rewritten zoning laws, promised to change a law so that it no longer had to put state property up for public bidding, and rewrote what was supposed to be a tax incentive for broadband internet meant to bridge the digital divide so that it was only an incentive for data centers, all with the goal of luring in Meta.

But Entergy Louisiana’s residential customers, who live in one of the poorest regions of the state, will see their utility bills increase to pay for Meta’s energy infrastructure, according to Entergy’s application. Entergy estimates that amount will be small and will only cover a transmission line, but advocates for energy affordability say the costs could balloon depending on whether Meta agrees to finish paying for its three gas plants 15 years from now. The short-term rate increases will be debated in a public hearing before state regulators that has not yet been scheduled.

The Alliance for Affordable Energy called it a “black hole of energy use,” and said “to give perspective on how much electricity the Meta project will use: Meta’s energy needs are roughly 2.3x the power needs of Orleans Parish … it’s like building the power impact of a large city overnight in the middle of nowhere.”

404 Media reached out to Entergy for comment but did not receive a response.

By 2030, Entergy’s electricity prices are projected to increase 90 percent from where they were in 2018, although the company attributes much of that to damage to infrastructure from hurricanes. The state already has a high energy cost burden in part because of a storm damage to infrastructure, and balmy heat made worse by climate change that drives air conditioner use. The state's homes largely are not energy efficient, with many porous older buildings that don’t retain heat in the winter or remain cool in the summer.

“You don't just have high utility bills, you also have high repair costs, you have high insurance premiums, and it all contributes to housing insecurity,” said Andreanecia Morris, a member of Housing Louisiana, which is opposed to Entergy’s gas plant application. She believes Meta’s data center will make it worse. And Louisiana residents have reasons to distrust Entergy when it comes to passing off costs of new infrastructure: in 2018, the company’s New Orleans subsidiary was caught paying actors to testify on behalf of a new gas plant. “The fees for the gas plant have all been borne by the people of New Orleans,” Morris said.

In its application to build new gas plants and in public testimony, Entergy says the cost of Meta’s data center to customers will be minimal and has even suggested Meta’s presence will make their bills go down. But Meta’s commitments are temporary, many of Meta’s assurances are not binding, and crucial details about its deal with Entergy are shielded from public view, a structural issue with state energy regulators across the country.

AI data centers are being approved at a breakneck pace across the country, particularly in poorer regions where they are pitched as economic development projects to boost property tax receipts, bring in jobs and where they’re offered sizable tax breaks. Data centers typically don’t hire many people, though, with most jobs in security and janitorial work, along with temporary construction work. And the costs to the utility’s other customers can remain hidden because of a lack of scrutiny and the limited power of state energy regulators. Many data centers—like the one Meta is building in Holly Ridge—are being powered by fossil fuels. This has led to respiratory illness and other health risks and emitting greenhouse gasses that fuel climate change. In Memphis, a massive data center built to launch a chatbot for Elon Musks’ AI company is powered by smog-spewing methane turbines, in a region that leads the state for asthma rates.

“In terms of how big these new loads are, it's pretty astounding and kind of a new ball game,” said Paul Arbaje, an energy analyst with the Union of Concerned Scientists, which is opposing Entergy’s proposal to build three new gas-powered plants in Louisiana to power Meta’s data center.

Entergy Louisiana submitted a request to the state’s regulatory body to approve the construction of the new gas-powered plants that would create 2.3 gigawatts of power and cost $3.2 billion in the 1440 acre Franklin Farms megasite in Holly Ridge, an unincorporated community of Richland Parish. It is the first big data center announced since Louisiana passed large tax breaks for data centers last summer.

In its application to the public utility commission for gas plants, Entergy says that Meta has a planned investment of $5 billion in the region to build the gas plants in Richland Parish, Louisiana, where it claims in its application that the data center will employ 300-500 people with an average salary of $82,000 in what it points out is “a region of the state that has long struggled with a lack of economic development and high levels of poverty.” Meta’s official projection is that it will employ more than 500 people once the data center is operational. Entergy plans for the gas plants to be online by December 2028.

In testimony, Entergy officials refused to answer specific questions about job numbers, saying that the numbers are projections based on public statements from Meta.

A spokesperson for Louisiana’s Economic Development told 404 Media in an email that Meta “is contractually obligated to employ at least 500 full-time employees in order to receive incentive benefits.”

When asked about jobs, Meta pointed to a public facing list of its data centers, many of which the company says employ more than 300 people. A spokesperson said that the projections for the Richland Parish site are based on the scale of the 4 million square foot data center. The spokesperson said the jobs will include “engineering and other technical positions to operational roles and our onsite culinary staff.”

When asked if its job commitments are binding, the spokesperson declined to answer, saying, “We worked closely with Richland Parish and Louisiana Economic Development on mutually beneficial agreements that will support long-term growth in the area.”

Others are not as convinced. “Show me a data center that has that level of employment,” says Logan Burke, executive director of the Alliance for Affordable Energy in Louisiana.

Entergy has argued the new power plants are necessary to satiate the energy need from Meta’s massive hyperscale data center, which will be Meta’s largest data center and potentially the largest data center in the United States. It amounts to a 25 percent increase in Entergy Louisiana’s current load, according to the Alliance for Affordable Energy.

Entergy requested an exemption from a state law meant to ensure that it develops energy at the lowest cost by issuing a public request for proposals, claiming in its application and testimony that this would slow them down and cause them to lose their contracts with Meta.

Meta has agreed to subsidize the first 15 years of payments for construction of the gas plants, but the plant’s construction is being financed over 30 years. At the 15 year mark, its contract with Entergy ends. At that point, Meta may decide it doesn’t need three gas plants worth of energy because computing power has become more efficient or because its AI products are not profitable enough. Louisiana residents would be stuck with the remaining bill.

“It's not that they're paying the cost, they're just paying the mortgage for the time that they're under contract,” explained Devi Glick, an electric utility analyst with Synapse Energy.

When asked about the costs for the gas plants, a Meta spokesperson said, “Meta works with our utility partners to ensure we pay for the full costs of the energy service to our data centers.” The spokesperson said that any rate increases will be reviewed by the Louisiana Public Service Commission. These applications, called rate cases, are typically submitted by energy companies based on a broad projection of new infrastructure projects and energy needs.

Meta has technically not finalized its agreement with Entergy but Glick believes the company has already invested enough in the endeavor that it is unlikely to pull out now. Other companies have been reconsidering their gamble on AI data centers: Microsoft reversed course on centers requiring a combined 2 gigawatts of energy in the U.S. and Europe. Meta swept in to take on some of the leases, according to Bloomberg.

And in the short-term, Entergy is asking residential customers to help pay for a new transmission line for the gas plants at a cost of more than $500 million, according to Entergy’s application to Louisiana’s public utility board. In its application, the energy giant said customers’ bills will only rise by $1.66 a month to offset the costs of the transmission lines. Meta, for its part, said it will pay up to $1 million a year into a fund for low-income customers. When asked about the costs of the new transmission line, a Meta spokesperson said, “Like all other new customers joining the transmission system, one of the required transmission upgrades will provide significant benefits to the broader transmission system. This transmission upgrade is further in distance from the data center, so it was not wholly assigned to Meta.”

When Entergy was questioned in public testimony on whether the new transmission line would need to be built even without Meta’s massive data center, the company declined to answer, saying the question was hypothetical.

Some details of Meta’s contract with Entergy have been made available to groups legally intervening in Entergy’s application, meaning that they can submit testimony or request data from the company. These parties include the Alliance for Affordable Energy, the Sierra Club and the Union of Concerned Scientists.

But Meta—which will become Entergy’s largest customer by far and whose presence will impact the entire energy grid—is not required to answer questions or divulge any information to the energy board or any other parties. The Alliance for Affordable Energy and Union of Concerned Scientists attempted to make Meta a party to Entergy’s application—which would have required it to share information and submit to questioning—but a judge denied that motion on April 4.

The public utility commissions that approve energy infrastructure in most states are the main democratic lever to assure that data centers don’t negatively impact consumers. But they have no oversight over the tech companies running the data centers or the private companies that build the centers, leaving residential customers, consumer advocates and environmentalists in the dark. This is because they approve the power plants that fuel the data centers but do not have jurisdiction over the data centers themselves.

“This is kind of a relic of the past where there might be some energy service agreement between some large customer and the utility company, but it wouldn't require a whole new energy facility,” Arbaje said.

A research paper by Ari Peskoe and Eliza Martin published in March looked at 50 regulatory cases involving data centers, and found that tech companies were pushing some of the costs onto utility customers through secret contracts with the utilities. The paper found that utilities were often parroting rhetoric from AI boosting politicians—including President Biden—to suggest that pushing through permitting for AI data center infrastructure is a matter of national importance.

“The implication is that there’s no time to act differently,” the authors wrote.

In written testimony sent to the public service commission, Entergy CEO Phillip May argued that the company had to bypass a legally required request for proposals and requirement to find the cheapest energy sources for the sake of winning over Meta.

“If a prospective customer is choosing between two locations, and if that customer believes that location A can more quickly bring the facility online than location B, that customer is more likely to choose to build at location A,” he wrote.

Entergy also argues that building new gas plants will in fact lower electricity bills because Meta, as the largest customer for the gas plants, will pay a disproportionate share of energy costs. Naturally, some are skeptical that Entergy would overcharge what will be by far their largest customer to subsidize their residential customers. “They haven't shown any numbers to show how that's possible,” Burke says of this claim. Meta didn’t have a response to this specific claim when asked by 404 Media.

Some details, like how much energy Meta will really need, the details of its hiring in the area and its commitment to renewables are still cloaked in mystery.

“We can't ask discovery. We can't depose. There's no way for us to understand the agreement between them without [Meta] being at the table,” Burke said.

It’s not just Entergy. Big energy companies in other states are also pushing out costly fossil fuel infrastructure to court data centers and pushing costs onto captive residents. In Kentucky, the energy company that serves the Louisville area is proposing 2 new gas plants for hypothetical data centers that have yet to be contracted by any tech company. The company, PPL Electric Utilities, is also planning to offload the cost of new energy supply onto its residential customers just to become more competitive for data centers.

“It's one thing if rates go up so that customers can get increased reliability or better service, but customers shouldn't be on the hook to pay for new power plants to power data centers,” Cara Cooper, a coordinator with Kentuckians for Energy Democracy, which has intervened on an application for new gas plants there.

These rate increases don’t take into account the downstream effects on energy; as the supply of materials and fuel are inevitably usurped by large data center load, the cost of energy goes up to compensate, with everyday customers footing the bill, according to Glick with Synapse.

Glick says Entergy’s gas plants may not even be enough to satisfy the energy needs of Meta’s massive data center. In written testimony, Glick said that Entergy will have to either contract with a third party for more energy or build even more plants down the line to fuel Meta’s massive data center.

To fill the gap, Entergy has not ruled out lengthening the life of some of its coal plants, which it had planned to close in the next few years. The company already pushed back the deactivation date of one of its coal plants from 2028 to 2030.

The increased demand for gas power for data centers has already created a widely-reported bottleneck for gas turbines, the majority of which are built by 3 companies. One of those companies, Siemens Energy, told Politico that turbines are “selling faster than they can increase manufacturing capacity,” which the company attributed to data centers.

Most of the organizations concerned about the situation in Louisiana view Meta’s massive data center as inevitable and are trying to soften its impact by getting Entergy to utilize more renewables and make more concrete economic development promises.

Andreanecia Morris, with Housing Louisiana, believes the lack of transparency from public utility commissions is a bigger problem than just Meta. “Simply making Meta go away, isn't the point,” Morris says. “The point has to be that the Public Service Commission is held accountable.”

Burke says Entergy owns less than 200 megawatts of renewable energy in Louisiana, a fraction of the fossil fuels it is proposing to fuel Meta’s center. Entergy was approved by Louisiana’s public utility commission to build out three gigawatts of solar energy last year , but has yet to build any of it.

“They're saying one thing, but they're really putting all of their energy into the other,” Burke says.

New gas plants are hugely troubling for the climate. But ironically, advocates for affordable energy are equally concerned that the plants will lie around disused - with Louisiana residents stuck with the financing for their construction and upkeep. Generative AI has yet to prove its profitability and the computing heavy strategy of American tech companies may prove unnecessary given less resource intensive alternatives coming out of China.

“There's such a real threat in such a nascent industry that what is being built is not what is going to be needed in the long run,” said Burke. “The challenge remains that residential rate payers in the long run are being asked to finance the risk, and obviously that benefits the utilities, and it really benefits some of the most wealthy companies in the world, But it sure is risky for the folks who are living right next door.”

The Alliance for Affordable Energy expects the commission to make a decision on the plants this fall.




Hey #believeinfilm friends,

This is a review of RETO's newest film camera, Pano:

analog.cafe/r/reto-pano-reusab…

The RETO Pano costs just $35; it looks sleek with its translucent cover (other colours available), and image quality is rather impressive for what it is.

As with any camera, there are some issues you should be aware of and a few tricks to get more good photos out of the camera. All that and tons of sample photos in the review!

#filmphotography #photography #toycamera




¿La CGT se suma al “Consejo de Mayo” para pactar otra reforma laboral? - laizquierdadiario.com/La-CGT-s…

#LaIzquierdaDiario #Noticias #Política



有些事情我都遇见不下十次了,每天强度是它们的好几倍,哈集美就喜欢闹上新闻
in reply to 网上邻居

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Sorry, I couldn't process this image.


CA mom detained by #ICE—locked 1,400 mi from her breastfeeding baby.

“She looks for her mom, won’t take the bottle… just tantrums.”

Ana Diaz, asylum-seeker from El Salvador, married to #US. citizen w/ legal petition. At unscheduled ICE check-in, given 30 sec to say goodbye.

“She always appeared when called. They knew where she lived.”

Ana arrived 4 yrs ago, married, had baby in 2024. Now separated from her family.

#us #ice


Warning, nerdy #tech + #linux post. I set up a Plex server a while back to stream movies etc. when too lazy to put in a DVD. I got choppy video, which I thought was maybe related to only 8GB RAM. I bought an extra DDR3 chip and upped to 16GB RAM. Still got choppy video; I attributed it to the slower HDD I'm using, and perhaps the files were too big - MKV instead of MP4. Hmm, still not quite. But the final straw was Plex not recognizing a TV series I downloaded from Archive.org: "The Loner", a western from Rod Serling starring Lloyd Bridges.

I turned to Jellyfin, and everything works great. The streaming is not choppy at all! Perhaps the answer is...Plex is too bloated (which it is - I don't need it to give me video channels I have access to elsewhere). So...now I need to re-rip the DVDs I already uploaded back to MKV. Thankfully I haven't done that many so far. Bye bye, Plex!



Opening a bottle we brought back from #NewZealand. Good stuff! 🍷
in reply to Josh

The image shows a close-up of a wine bottle label. The label is predominantly white with black text and features a detailed illustration of green plants and dandelions. The text on the label reads "PYRAMID VALLEY MĀNATU PINOT NOIR 2022" at the top, with "CENTRAL OTAGO" at the bottom. The illustration includes various green plants and dandelions, with a dandelion seed head prominently featured in the center. The bottle is placed on a wooden surface, and the background is slightly blurred, suggesting a casual setting.

Provided by @altbot, generated privately and locally using Ovis2-8B

🌱 Energy used: 0.160 Wh



A Meta está normalizando o discurso de ódio contra pessoas LGBT+ no Facebook e no Instagram e permitindo que elas sejam classificadas como "doentes mentais".

Ajudem nessa campanha contra essa política.

action.allout.org/pt-br/m/2d94…

#Meta #Facebook #Instagram #lgbtqia



🔁 From our "Digital Crossroads" collection:

RSS on a timeline - scripting.com/2025/06/22/13133…

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See other stories like this one here: feedle.world/digital-crossroad…

#web #internet #socialmedia #blogging