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State-Backed Hackers Exploit Cisco Firewall Flaws for Root Access and Malware Deployment
#CyberSecurity
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Phishing Campaign Builds Fake Login Pages Inside Browsers After Trusted Microsoft Redirects
#CyberSecurity
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CISA Adds Exploited Citrix NetScaler Authentication Bypass to Urgent Fix List
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Windows Server: gli update di settembre 2026 mandano in crash Remote Desktop Services
#tech
spcnet.it/windows-server-gli-u…
@informatica


Windows Server: gli update di settembre 2026 mandano in crash Remote Desktop Services


Gli aggiornamenti cumulativi di settembre 2026 per Windows Server hanno introdotto un problema serio su Remote Desktop Services: dopo l’installazione delle patch, le sessioni RDP su alcuni host iniziano a bloccarsi o a rifiutare nuove connessioni, spesso dopo diverse ore di funzionamento normale. Per chi gestisce collection RDS in produzione — RDSH multi-sessione, VDI o semplicemente jump server amministrativi — è un problema da conoscere prima di distribuire la patch su larga scala, perché tocca esattamente le macchine che gli amministratori usano per raggiungere il resto dell’infrastruttura.

Quali sistemi sono coinvolti


Il problema riguarda tre cumulative update distinti, uno per versione di sistema operativo:

  • KB5122876 — Windows Server 2019
  • KB5122882 — Windows Server 2022
  • KB5122871 — Windows Server 2025

Le note di rilascio Microsoft segnalano separatamente anche problemi su Windows Server 2016, con la redirezione audio di Remote Desktop non funzionante dopo l’installazione. Va inoltre ricordato che il pacchetto di settembre non è “solo” quello che introduce il bug: nello stesso ciclo Microsoft ha corretto oltre 970 vulnerabilità, incluse due zero-day già sfruttate attivamente. Questo rende la scelta “disinstallo la patch” tutt’altro che indolore.

Sintomi osservati


Dalle segnalazioni raccolte dagli amministratori nei forum tecnici e da chi ha già debuggato il problema, il pattern tipico è il seguente:

  • RDS funziona normalmente per diverse ore dopo il riavvio post-patch;
  • le sessioni RDP esistenti smettono di disconnettersi o effettuare il logoff correttamente;
  • i nuovi tentativi di connessione restano bloccati sulla schermata “Connecting…” fino a fallire;
  • in alcuni casi il servizio va in crash dopo il primo logout utente, impedendo login successivi;
  • Task Manager e le impostazioni di sistema diventano a loro volta non responsive sull’host colpito, rendendo necessario un hard reset.

Chi ha fatto debugging più approfondito ha individuato nei log un deadlock nella libreria server RDP durante la chiusura di sessione: l’evento si blocca nella routine RDPSERVERBASE!WDLIB_Close, apparentemente senza timeout configurato, generando uno stallo tra il processo RDP e LSM (Local Session Manager). Nei log di sistema il sintomo si traduce nell’evento 20498 nel canale Microsoft-Windows-TerminalServices-RemoteConnectionManager/Admin.

Come verificare se un host è colpito


Prima di intervenire, è utile raccogliere qualche riscontro diagnostico in sola lettura:

# Verifica eventi di timeout sulla connessione RDP
Get-WinEvent -FilterHashtable @{
    LogName = 'Microsoft-Windows-TerminalServices-RemoteConnectionManager/Admin'
    Id = 20498
} -MaxEvents 5 | Format-Table TimeCreated, Message -Wrap

# Controlla lo stato del servizio Terminal Services
Get-Service -Name TermService | Select-Object Name, Status

Se l'evento 20498 compare in concomitanza con logoff o riconnessioni di sessione, l'host è verosimilmente esposto al bug.

Le opzioni sul tavolo


Al momento della stesura di questo articolo Microsoft non ha ancora confermato pubblicamente la causa né rilasciato una patch out-of-band; l'azienda ha dichiarato di essere a conoscenza delle segnalazioni e di stare indagando. Questo lascia agli amministratori due strade principali, entrambe con compromessi da valutare con attenzione:

1. Rollback del pacchetto cumulativo


È l'opzione più testata e documentata. Rimuove il bug ma riporta l'host allo stato di vulnerabilità precedente, comprese le due zero-day corrette a settembre — accettabile solo come misura temporanea su host isolati o con mitigazioni compensative (segmentazione di rete, restrizioni di accesso RDP tramite VPN/Bastion) già in campo.

# Individua il pacchetto della cumulative update installata
dism.exe /Online /Get-Packages /Format:Table | findstr /i "Package_for_RollupFix"

# Rimuove il pacchetto (sostituire con il nome esatto restituito sopra)
dism.exe /Online /Remove-Package /PackageName:Package_for_RollupFix~31bf3856ad364e35~amd64~~20348.5622.1.2 /NoRestart

# Riavvio richiesto per applicare la modifica
Restart-Computer -Force

Su una collection RDS gestita, conviene prima spostare l'host fuori rotazione per evitare che riceva nuove connessioni durante l'intervento:
Import-Module RemoteDesktop
Set-RDSessionHost -CollectionName "NomeCollection" -SessionHost "host.dominio.local" -NewConnectionAllowed No
# ... rollback e riavvio ...
Set-RDSessionHost -CollectionName "NomeCollection" -SessionHost "host.dominio.local" -NewConnectionAllowed Yes

2. Workaround alternativi circolati in community


Alcuni blog tecnici indipendenti propongono un override tramite feature flag in HKLM\SYSTEM\CurrentControlSet\Control\FeatureManagement\Overrides, con l'obiettivo di disattivare selettivamente il componente incriminato senza rimuovere l'intera patch di sicurezza. Va detto con chiarezza: si tratta di un workaround non ufficiale, non validato da Microsoft, che tocca un'area del registro sensibile e non documentata pubblicamente per questo scopo. Non è consigliabile applicarlo direttamente in produzione: se lo si vuole testare, farlo solo su un host di laboratorio isolato, con backup del ramo di registro prima e dopo, e senza aspettarsi supporto ufficiale in caso di problemi.

Cosa fare adesso


Il consiglio più solido, in attesa di una risposta ufficiale Microsoft, resta quello suggerito dai team di sicurezza che seguono il caso: distribuire l'aggiornamento di settembre prima su un piccolo gruppo di host RDS non critici, monitorare l'evento 20498 e lo stato del servizio TermService per 24-48 ore, e mantenere pronto un piano di rollback per gli host di produzione più esposti. Vale anche la pena avvisare in anticipo chi gestisce l'help desk: sessioni RDP che si bloccano "a caso" dopo qualche ora sono un sintomo facile da scambiare per un problema di rete o di carico, mentre qui l'origine è chiaramente lato patch.

Fonte: 4sysops – September Windows Server updates break Remote Desktop Services (RDS); approfondimenti tecnici da BleepingComputer e Cyber Security News.


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Claude Misuse Report Shows AI Agents Automating Exploits, Malware Changes and Intrusions
#CyberSecurity
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It’s time to declassify 9/11 records


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Dear Friend of Press Freedom:

It’s Sept. 11, the 25th anniversary of the deadly attacks on the U.S. and the beginning of the “war on terror.” It’s time for critical records on the attacks to be declassified, but they’re unlikely to see the light of day. Plus, the government gives up on wiretapping charges against a Florida journalist and Congress must do more to protect the press from “Petty” Pete Hegseth.

Crucial 9/11 documents still secret


The executive order covering classification calls for most historical records to be declassified 25 years after they’re created, which means millions of pages about the Sept. 11 attacks qualify for release this December — records that survivors and victims’ families have been trying to obtain for years.

But systemic failures throughout the declassification system mean that these records are unlikely to become public anytime soon. Freedom of the Press Foundation (FPF) Daniel Ellsberg Chair on Government Secrecy Lauren Harper wrote for MS NOW about the vital information in these documents, and the path the Trump administration could take to bring justice for survivors and transparency to the public.


Drop the rest of the charges against Tim Burke


On Wednesday, the Department of Justice moved to abandon its appeal of a lower court’s dismissal of felony wiretapping counts against Florida-based independent journalist Tim Burke. Burke exposed unaired outtakes of antisemitic remarks from a Fox News interview with musician Ye, formerly known as Kanye West; the government then raided his newsroom and hit him with numerous charges under the Wiretap Act and the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. The ordeal isn’t over — the CFAA charges remain pending, and the government could reindict Burke under the Wiretap Act.

FPF Chief of Advocacy Seth Stern called on the DOJ to drop the rest of the charges, saying, “By confiscating most of Tim Burke’s newsroom equipment for years and getting multiple extensions in court before ultimately dropping its appeal, the DOJ has successfully held Burke’s journalism hostage and used the legal system to punish him for reporting on a clearly newsworthy issue.”


Protect journalists from ‘Petty’ Pete


Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is an incompetent propagandist — despite his myriad censorship efforts, few Americans have favorable views of him or his Iran war. But he could get a lot more effective at selling the public on lies if the independent information ecosystem continues to erode. As Stern writes, U.S. lawmakers need to get serious about protecting journalists and whistleblowers to prevent Hegseth and his colleagues in the Trump administration from stamping out independent journalism like their authoritarian idols abroad.


Stars and Stripes censorship looks familiar behind bars


Hegseth remains persistent. One of his more recent efforts to control the narrative has been taking an axe to the staff at military newspaper Stars and Stripes after they published reporting he didn’t like about the USS Abraham Lincoln. To FPF contributor Jeremy Busby, who’s been incarcerated for 28 years in Texas, the crackdown was reminiscent of the fate of Texas prison newspaper The Echo, where the content has been neutered by prison officials. Busby breaks down what happens when news outlets become tools of the state, or vanish altogether.


Government health agencies are lockboxes


Federal health agencies control information of life-or-death importance, but their stonewalling of reporters has reached new heights. At a webinar last week, reporters Bob Herman of the Boston Globe’s STAT, Sheryl Gay Stolberg of The New York Times, and Robert King of Politico, along with FPF Senior Advocacy Adviser Caitlin Vogus, recounted the obstacles they and others have faced in getting information from these agencies, and the strategies they’ve found for pushing past them to get to the story.


What we’re reading


Historic local news coalition of national, state organizations urge Gov. Newsom of California to support AB 2222

Rebuild Local News
California AB 2222’s proposed journalist employment tax credits would also strengthen reporting capacity, and safeguard essential coverage. That’s why we and dozens of others are calling on California Gov. Gavin Newsom to support the bill.


Carr warns broadcasters about airing fake polls, says new guidance could be on the way

Broadband Breakfast
Federal Communications Commission Chair Brendan Carr can call news he doesn’t like fake news and polls he doesn’t like fake polls, but there’s a real First Amendment and he doesn’t get to veto it whenever his thin-skinned puppeteer in the White House gets his feelings hurt.


Kimmel pulls Talarico interview after FCC threat

The Hill
It’s shameful that the FCC is abusing its authority to prevent Americans from hearing directly from candidates during election season. Interviews with political candidates are chilled thanks to the FCC, and news programs aren’t immune from it.


Pentagon employee DataRepublican posts inside info about hacks against the far left

The Intercept
The government’s support for an influencer who praises domestic hacking would mark an escalation in the Trump admin’s dissent crackdown. “It’s the difference between open-source intelligence” and “jumping into people’s machines,” FPF Chief Security Programs Officer Harlo Holmes told The Intercept.


Longread: Mark Ruffalo, Paramount, and weaponized antisemitism

It’s Not You, It’s Media
Paramount officials continue disingenuously labeling those who don’t want the war-profiteering Ellison family using its Trump administration ties to take over more media outlets as antisemites. “How dare they falsely invoke antisemitism for something as selfish as their business interests?” asked FPF’s Deputy Director of Advocacy Adam Rose.


Free speech protection bill headed to North Dakota Legislature next year

KFGO
Red or blue, states across the U.S. have adopted laws against SLAPPs — strategic lawsuits against public participation — because they recognize that free speech deserves strong protection. North Dakota should too. An anti-SLAPP law would keep the state from becoming a magnet for frivolous lawsuits aimed at silencing speech.


Group of bipartisan lawmakers ask US government to ban several hack-for-hire firms

TechCrunch
At least one of these companies was behind a global censorship campaign to silence news reporting about its hacking activities. American companies shouldn’t do business with groups that engage in cyberattacks against Americans and then try to silence journalists who expose it.

Flyer for webinar on the Stanford Daily v. Rubio decision on September 18 at 1 pm ET


freedom.press/issues/its-time-…

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Der Ausgang der Landtagswahl in Sachsen-Anhalt hat vielen den Atem verschlagen. Die Omas gegen Rechts in Magdeburg erleben schon seit langem, wie sich die Lage vor Ort aber auch online verschärft hat. Wir haben mit zwei von ihnen über gemeinschaftlichen Widerstand und das Wahlergebnis gesprochen – und wie es aus ihrer Sicht nun weitergeht.

netzpolitik.org/2026/omas-gege…

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"Omarchy should not matter. But sadly it does. As a power grab."

I wrote about why we have to care about Omarchy. As a fascist power grab within the FLOSS ecosystem.

tante.cc/2026/09/11/power-grab…


Power grab


Omarchy should not matter. But sadly it does. As a power grab.

If you don’t know what Omarchy is here’s the short summary. David Heinemeier Hansson, creator of RubyOnRails, owner of a software business and millionaire, decided a few months ago to go all in on Linux and – because that’s just his MO – thought that turning his setup into a project. Omarchy is just that: A pretty standard Arch Linux distribution with a handful of configuration files, that Heinemeier Hansson (or DHH as he is often called) wrote, or vibed or whatever. There is nothing wrong with this, custom, opinionated special purpose distributions have been part of the Linux culture for a long time and provide a lot of value and experimentation that sometimes even flows back to the original project. In a way Ubuntu Linux is just that to the basis Debian.

There’s also nothing wrong in more opinionated software – quite the opposite. I do think that RubyOnRails and similar frameworks gained traction especially because they do have a clear idea of how they see the respective problem domain. There’s even the statement “There should be one – and preferably only one – obvious way to do it” in the Zen of Python. Having a strong point of view is not a bad thing in software or in general. The problem is the kind of points of view DHH has.

I don’t want to go into all the gritty details here, Brennan Kenneth Brown did a great job with their article “Normalized Fascism in Open Source: $12 Million Given to DHH“, but here’s the short version. DHH is a racist and a fascist. He recently wrote articles on how there are [Content Warning: massive racism] too many brown people in London these days. In July he wrote an [Content Warning: Racism, anti-romanismsm] article comparing Roma communities (using a slur for them) to “wolves” that should be “shot”. His X account is also know to be “edgy” in a similar way. A few days ago he posted sort of a manifesto for his set of config files:
Screenshot of an X post (url: https://x.com/dhh/status/2098043643395277095) from the account @[url=https://pixelfed.social/users/DHH]DHH[/url] saying: Unite the nerds Hold the line Have some fun Beauty is truth Heritage is duty Command is service Welcome the agents Perfect the computer Own the machine You’re somebody now
There’s even a longer version on the website. Even without a strong background in antifascist literature or history this reads like a fascist creed. About unity and identity. About “holding the line” (against codes of conduct and the rights of marginalized people as the website explains). About how there always needs to be a strong leader who makes the decisions. Given DHH’s other writing this is not a misguided joke, this is how he thinks about the world.

I began this text writing “Omarchy should not matter” but I have not explained why it does. It’s surely not about user numbers (it’s a clunky distro aimed at people who love to cosplay hackers). But it is about power.

DHH has used his connection to CEO’s of tech corporations and his position as influencer to collect up to now above 18 million dollars of funding for Omarchy. He uses that money not for himself (he has enough of that) but to fund certain pieces of Software he uses in his distribution. Like for example the window manager hyprland whose main developer the Omarchy money now funds. What is “Vaxry” known for outside of a niche window manager? He runs a community based around LGBTQ discrimination and participates in that (see the short summary on Drew DeVault’s “Weird Little Guys of FOSS” list). His bigotry is so consistent that he was banned from participating in the Freedesktop.org community where all the other developers of window managers and the free software desktop stack collaborate. And it was long before DHH funded him.

One could see a world where a CEO using his connections to drum up some funding for free software projects would be a good thing. But that’s not the world we live in I am afraid. DHH got 3 million USD from Digital Ocean (a cloud provider) for Omarchy. Basically at the same time where Digital Ocean cancelled their support of Flatpak and GNOME that amounted to a value of 50 USD per month.

DHH is using his position and his influence to accumulate donations that he then can distribute to projects that align with his fascist worldview and ambitions. And in a time where many important projects and infrastructures are strapped for cash running just on the goodwill of a handful of people that is increasingly dangerous. Not because its corporate money – a lot of funding for open source comes from corporations, they are after all who are sucking up all the surplus from people’s labor. It’s because this amount of money gives him power.

The Omarchy foundation will be where projects in desperate need of funding will be pointed. And will a project focused on human rights and social justice get funding from our fascist overlord? What kind of pressure can that exert on projects who have to decide to either die due to lack of funding or kill their code of conduct?

An open fascist is building one of the bigger sources of funding for open source fully under his individual control and sucks up a lot of money that otherwise might have gone to liberatory projects. Community projects. Antifascist projects.

And that is why Omarchy matters. Sadly. Not because of its technical merit (even though those fascists love to use the “merit” argument to fight human rights) but because of its leader, his connections and his ability to accumulate financial power. Without anyone in that ecosystem saying anything about how that leader operates and talks. And you might know the saying: If there’s a Nazi and 10 folks sitting together at a table and nobody says and does anything? There’s 11 Nazis at that table.

Omarchy got a lot of recognition recently. Not only by corporate donors but by Youtubers and other tech influencers who kept praising it and nudged people (who might not know about DHH’s exploits) towards testing it. To become “a hardcore linux user/dev” or whatever other chauvinist argument they made. This makes it dangerous.

Running Omarchy means contributing to this dynamic. It means willingly integrating oneself into a fascist community. Legitimizing it. Supporting it. Omarchy is a fascist project that normalizes fascist thinking for everyone entering that community (even unknowingly). The baseline has to be not to use that system. And as people who believe in human rights and dignity, in community and a tech world that can be better we need to oppose Omarchy. Need to make sure it gets no seat at any table. Support projects who actively refuse to collaborate. Support projects who care about human rights and flourishing.

Siamo tutti antifascisti!


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in reply to tante

Weil die Webseite "it's foss" nicht aufhörte es anzupreisen, hatte ich auf den Zusammenhang hingewiesen. Das interessiert dort niemanden, viel mehr wird die rassistische Verbindung mit "es gäbe Bedenken" heruntergespielt. Für indische Betreiber eine bedenkliche Haltung.

Vielleicht benötigen sie einen kräftigeren Anstoß als ich ihn liefern kann?

Bei mir sind sie daraufhin aus dem RSS-Feed geflogen.

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🇩🇪 It is now certain: noyb will file an injunction against the German credit information agency #SCHUFA. Previously, investigations revealed that the agency stores millions of data records that should have been deleted long ago. Up to 69 million people could be affected.

👉 noyb.eu/en/schufa-insists-shad…

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Ce weekend nous serons à la Fête de l'Huma !

Nous serons présent·es à plusieurs tables-rondes :
- Samedi, nous discuterons à 14h de l'État policier et de la Technopolice au stand du NPA - L'Anticapitaliste, et de la montée de l'extrême-droite dans les médias à 17h au stand « Résister par la non violence ».
- Dimanche, nous débattrons de la questions de la souveraineté numérique à 13h à l'espace Science & numérique.

N'hésitez pas à passer une tête et à venir discuter !

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📰 "Der Streit um historische Daten der #Schufa wird aller Voraussicht nach vor Gericht landen. Die Wirtschaftsauskunftei Schufa wies die von der europäischen Datenschutzorganisation #NOYB erhobenen Vorwürfe 'entschieden zurück' […]"

🧑‍⚖️ "Interessierte können sich außerdem weiterhin für eine mögliche #Sammelklage eintragen." 👉 schufa.noyb.eu

Weiterlesen 👉 faz.net/agenturmeldungen/dpa/s…

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Think Twice 2026: AI, Governance and the Choices Ahead


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AI & Governance: Opportunities and Risks for Digital Freedom


17 October 2026 | Brussels, Belgium

Artificial intelligence is no longer something we can think of as belonging to the distant future. It is already part of everyday life, influencing how we communicate, work, access services, make decisions, and take part in society.

And as AI becomes more closely woven into public life, the conversation around it becomes bigger than technology.

How can AI help strengthen democratic institutions without taking human judgment out of the picture?

How can governments make use of AI while protecting fundamental rights?

And when an AI-driven system gets something wrong, who should be responsible for putting it right?

These are some of the questions at the heart of Think Twice 2026.

The conference brings together voices from technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights to look at AI from different perspectives. Rather than approaching the subject with ready-made answers, Think Twice creates space to examine today’s choices and their consequences for tomorrow.

Organized by European Pirates and Pirate Parties International, the conference will explore both the possibilities AI offers and the challenges it presents for a free, open and democratic digital society.


One Platform. Two Central Conversations.

AI, Data and Identity


AI needs data. Digital services increasingly need identity. And the two are becoming more closely connected.

But what happens when our personal information becomes part of automated systems that make or influence decisions about us?

Who controls the data behind these systems?

How should digital identity work in an increasingly automated world?

And how do we make sure that greater convenience does not come at the cost of privacy, autonomy, or individual choice?

This panel explores the growing intersection of AI, data, digital identity, and individual freedom, and asks how technological progress can move forward without leaving meaningful control over our personal information behind.

AI and Democracy


AI is already finding its way into public services, political communication, information platforms, and other parts of democratic life.

It can help institutions process information and interact with citizens. At the same time, it can influence what people see, how information reaches them, and how decisions are made.

So what happens when AI becomes part of the machinery of democracy?

How do we maintain transparency, accountability, and public trust?

And perhaps most importantly, how much say should citizens have in deciding how these systems are built and used?

This panel explores AI’s growing role in democratic institutions and civic life, and the choices that could determine whether technology ultimately strengthens democratic participation or puts it under new pressure.


Meet the Speakers


Think Twice 2026 brings together speakers with diverse experiences and perspectives spanning technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights.

From questions of data and digital identity to the future of democratic participation, our speakers will bring diverse perspectives to the conversations throughout the conference.


What to Expect


Think Twice is intended to be more than a series of talks.

Throughout the conference, speakers and participants will look at the questions that arise when technological possibilities meet real-world decisions and public responsibility.

Among the topics under discussion will be:

  • Artificial intelligence and public decision-making
  • Data, privacy and digital identity
  • AI and democratic participation
  • Transparency and accountability
  • Human oversight and automated decisions
  • Digital freedom and individual autonomy
  • The role of governments and technology companies
  • The future of democratic governance in an AI-driven society

There may not be one simple answer to these questions.

And that is precisely why they are worth discussing.

The aim is not to answer every question. It is to ask better questions.


Join Think Twice 2026


When:
17 October 2026

Where:
Brussels, Belgium
Venue Steigenberger hotel

Time:
09:00–15:30

Language:
English

Format:
In-person conference

Registration


Registration is open to the public, subject to available capacity.

REGISTER FOR THINK TWICE 2026

Fill in the form to register your interest for the event.

Places are limited, so register in advance.

We will provide further practical information about the venue, program, access, and participation to registered participants.


Why Think Twice?


AI is moving quickly. Regulation is catching up. Institutions are learning how to respond.

But technology alone will not determine what comes next.

Decisions made by governments, companies, researchers, and citizens will shape how AI becomes part of our public and private lives.

That makes the conversation about AI a conversation about us: our rights, our choices, our institutions, and the kind of digital society we want to build.

Think Twice 2026 invites you to join that conversation.

Think about the technology.

Question the choices behind it.

Think twice.


17 October 2026 · Brussels

REGISTER NOW


europeanpirates.eu/think-twice…


Think Twice 2026: AI, Governance and the Choices Ahead


AI & Governance: Opportunities and Risks for Digital Freedom


17 October 2026 | Brussels, Belgium

Artificial intelligence is no longer something we can think of as belonging to the distant future. It is already part of everyday life, influencing how we communicate, work, access services, make decisions, and take part in society.

And as AI becomes more closely woven into public life, the conversation around it becomes bigger than technology.

How can AI help strengthen democratic institutions without taking human judgment out of the picture?

How can governments make use of AI while protecting fundamental rights?

And when an AI-driven system gets something wrong, who should be responsible for putting it right?

These are some of the questions at the heart of Think Twice 2026.

The conference brings together voices from technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights to look at AI from different perspectives. Rather than approaching the subject with ready-made answers, Think Twice creates space to examine today’s choices and their consequences for tomorrow.

Organized by European Pirates and Pirate Parties International, the conference will explore both the possibilities AI offers and the challenges it presents for a free, open and democratic digital society.


One Platform. Two Central Conversations.

AI, Data and Identity


AI needs data. Digital services increasingly need identity. And the two are becoming more closely connected.

But what happens when our personal information becomes part of automated systems that make or influence decisions about us?

Who controls the data behind these systems?

How should digital identity work in an increasingly automated world?

And how do we make sure that greater convenience does not come at the cost of privacy, autonomy, or individual choice?

This panel explores the growing intersection of AI, data, digital identity, and individual freedom, and asks how technological progress can move forward without leaving meaningful control over our personal information behind.

AI and Democracy


AI is already finding its way into public services, political communication, information platforms, and other parts of democratic life.

It can help institutions process information and interact with citizens. At the same time, it can influence what people see, how information reaches them, and how decisions are made.

So what happens when AI becomes part of the machinery of democracy?

How do we maintain transparency, accountability, and public trust?

And perhaps most importantly, how much say should citizens have in deciding how these systems are built and used?

This panel explores AI’s growing role in democratic institutions and civic life, and the choices that could determine whether technology ultimately strengthens democratic participation or puts it under new pressure.


Meet the Speakers


Think Twice 2026 brings together speakers with diverse experiences and perspectives spanning technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights.

From questions of data and digital identity to the future of democratic participation, our speakers will bring diverse perspectives to the conversations throughout the conference.


What to Expect


Think Twice is intended to be more than a series of talks.

Throughout the conference, speakers and participants will look at the questions that arise when technological possibilities meet real-world decisions and public responsibility.

Among the topics under discussion will be:

  • Artificial intelligence and public decision-making
  • Data, privacy and digital identity
  • AI and democratic participation
  • Transparency and accountability
  • Human oversight and automated decisions
  • Digital freedom and individual autonomy
  • The role of governments and technology companies
  • The future of democratic governance in an AI-driven society

There may not be one simple answer to these questions.

And that is precisely why they are worth discussing.

The aim is not to answer every question. It is to ask better questions.


Join Think Twice 2026


When:
17 October 2026

Where:
Brussels, Belgium
Venue Steigenberger hotel

Time:
09:00–15:30

Language:
English

Format:
In-person conference

Registration


Registration is open to the public, subject to available capacity.

REGISTER FOR THINK TWICE 2026

Fill in the form to register your interest for the event.

Places are limited, so register in advance.

We will provide further practical information about the venue, program, access, and participation to registered participants.


Why Think Twice?


AI is moving quickly. Regulation is catching up. Institutions are learning how to respond.

But technology alone will not determine what comes next.

Decisions made by governments, companies, researchers, and citizens will shape how AI becomes part of our public and private lives.

That makes the conversation about AI a conversation about us: our rights, our choices, our institutions, and the kind of digital society we want to build.

Think Twice 2026 invites you to join that conversation.

Think about the technology.

Question the choices behind it.

Think twice.


17 October 2026 · Brussels

REGISTER NOW

Help us keep the conversation going


Think Twice is made possible by the people and organizations who support independent discussion about technology, democracy, and digital freedom.

If you would like to contribute financially to making this event possible, write to us at secretarygeneral@europeanpirates.eu


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Événement de soutien à un internet militant & autonome
samedi 12 à 18h, La Kunda (entrée Lagaisse), Vitry-sur-Seine
agendamilitant.org/a8591

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Think Twice 2026: AI, Governance and the Choices Ahead


AI & Governance: Opportunities and Risks for Digital Freedom 17 October 2026 | Brussels, Belgium Artificial intelligence is no longer something we can think of as belonging to the distant future. It is already part of everyday life, influencing how we communicate, work, access services, make decisions, and take part in society. And as AI becomes more closely woven into public life, the conversation around it becomes bigger than technology. How can AI help strengthen democratic […]
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AI & Governance: Opportunities and Risks for Digital Freedom


17 October 2026 | Brussels, Belgium

Artificial intelligence is no longer something we can think of as belonging to the distant future. It is already part of everyday life, influencing how we communicate, work, access services, make decisions, and take part in society.

And as AI becomes more closely woven into public life, the conversation around it becomes bigger than technology.

How can AI help strengthen democratic institutions without taking human judgment out of the picture?

How can governments make use of AI while protecting fundamental rights?

And when an AI-driven system gets something wrong, who should be responsible for putting it right?

These are some of the questions at the heart of Think Twice 2026.

The conference brings together voices from technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights to look at AI from different perspectives. Rather than approaching the subject with ready-made answers, Think Twice creates space to examine today’s choices and their consequences for tomorrow.

Organized by European Pirates and Pirate Parties International, the conference will explore both the possibilities AI offers and the challenges it presents for a free, open and democratic digital society.


One Platform. Two Central Conversations.

AI, Data and Identity


AI needs data. Digital services increasingly need identity. And the two are becoming more closely connected.

But what happens when our personal information becomes part of automated systems that make or influence decisions about us?

Who controls the data behind these systems?

How should digital identity work in an increasingly automated world?

And how do we make sure that greater convenience does not come at the cost of privacy, autonomy, or individual choice?

This panel explores the growing intersection of AI, data, digital identity, and individual freedom, and asks how technological progress can move forward without leaving meaningful control over our personal information behind.

AI and Democracy


AI is already finding its way into public services, political communication, information platforms, and other parts of democratic life.

It can help institutions process information and interact with citizens. At the same time, it can influence what people see, how information reaches them, and how decisions are made.

So what happens when AI becomes part of the machinery of democracy?

How do we maintain transparency, accountability, and public trust?

And perhaps most importantly, how much say should citizens have in deciding how these systems are built and used?

This panel explores AI’s growing role in democratic institutions and civic life, and the choices that could determine whether technology ultimately strengthens democratic participation or puts it under new pressure.


Meet the Speakers


Think Twice 2026 brings together speakers with diverse experiences and perspectives spanning technology, politics, research, civil society, and digital rights.

From questions of data and digital identity to the future of democratic participation, our speakers will bring diverse perspectives to the conversations throughout the conference.


What to Expect


Think Twice is intended to be more than a series of talks.

Throughout the conference, speakers and participants will look at the questions that arise when technological possibilities meet real-world decisions and public responsibility.

Among the topics under discussion will be:

  • Artificial intelligence and public decision-making
  • Data, privacy and digital identity
  • AI and democratic participation
  • Transparency and accountability
  • Human oversight and automated decisions
  • Digital freedom and individual autonomy
  • The role of governments and technology companies
  • The future of democratic governance in an AI-driven society

There may not be one simple answer to these questions.

And that is precisely why they are worth discussing.

The aim is not to answer every question. It is to ask better questions.


Join Think Twice 2026


When:
17 October 2026

Where:
Brussels, Belgium
Venue Steigenberger hotel

Time:
09:00–15:30

Language:
English

Format:
In-person conference

Registration


Registration is open to the public, subject to available capacity.

REGISTER FOR THINK TWICE 2026

Fill in the form to register your interest for the event.

Places are limited, so register in advance.

We will provide further practical information about the venue, program, access, and participation to registered participants.


Why Think Twice?


AI is moving quickly. Regulation is catching up. Institutions are learning how to respond.

But technology alone will not determine what comes next.

Decisions made by governments, companies, researchers, and citizens will shape how AI becomes part of our public and private lives.

That makes the conversation about AI a conversation about us: our rights, our choices, our institutions, and the kind of digital society we want to build.

Think Twice 2026 invites you to join that conversation.

Think about the technology.

Question the choices behind it.

Think twice.


17 October 2026 · Brussels

REGISTER NOW

Help us keep the conversation going


Think Twice is made possible by the people and organizations who support independent discussion about technology, democracy, and digital freedom.

If you would like to contribute financially to making this event possible, write to us at secretarygeneral@europeanpirates.eu

This entry was edited (4 hours ago)

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€rypto: the digital euro still has a privacy problem


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On 9 July 2026, shortly before the summer break, the European Parliament confirmed its negotiating position on the regulation establishing a digital euro, by 416 votes to 169 with 22 abstentions. The vote followed the position adopted by the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee on 23 June by 43 votes to 14, and was triggered when three political groups challenged the committee’s decision to move straight into negotiations.

This is a mandate to negotiate, not a finished law. Talks between Parliament, Council and Commission are under way, with a deal targeted for the end of 2026. The European Central Bank (ECB) has penciled in a pilot for 2027 and a possible first issuance in 2029. There is still time to influence the design — which is precisely why the design deserves scrutiny now.

The case for the digital euro is real and should be stated fairly. Europe currently depends on a small number of non-European card networks and, increasingly, on dollar-denominated stablecoins. A public digital payment instrument is a serious answer to that dependency. Parliament has also strengthened the proposal in consumer-friendly ways, capping holdings and reinforcing protections for physical cash.

The question is not whether Europe needs public digital money. It is what that money reveals about the people who use it.

Why the shopkeeper matters


Some members of the European Parliament have argued the digital euro should be built on a blockchain, or distributed ledger technology (DLT) — a shared transaction record that participants can read and verify independently.

That design carries a specific and underappreciated consequence for ordinary shoppers. Merchants must keep books. Every payment must be reconciled and survive a tax inspection, which means the customer’s wallet address ends up in the shop’s accounts and accounting software. On an open ledger, a wallet address is not merely a reference number: it is a permanent, publicly searchable financial history. Anyone holding it can look up the balance and every past transaction.

In practice, a corner shop could see a customer’s account balance and spending history. Until now, that capability has belonged to banks, which are supervised, bound by confidentiality rules, and answerable for misuse.

But this is an important distinction: that is not the architecture currently being developed for the digital euro. The blockchain scenario is therefore a useful illustration of what can go wrong when payment architecture makes financial activity unnecessarily observable, rather than a description of the system now on the table.

The privacy question does not disappear simply because the proposed architecture is different. It changes form.

Two fixes, two different failures


Two mitigations are usually proposed, and both carry costs worth weighing openly.

The first asks users to protect themselves: a fresh wallet address for every payment, and mixing services that pool funds so they cannot be traced onward. This works only if applied consistently — a single reused address links the record permanently, and ledgers do not forget. It also asks people to run technical routines just to buy groceries, making privacy a benefit available mainly to expert users. Mixing services additionally sit close to, and sometimes inside, the legal definition of money laundering.

The second inserts a regulated payment service provider (PSP) — a bank or licensed payments firm — between shopper and shop. This does remove the merchant’s view. It does not remove the observer; it appoints one. The intermediary sees both sides of every transaction, across every customer and merchant it serves, and gains authority over who may transact. That describes banking, which raises a fair question: if the answer to the privacy problem is a regulated intermediary holding all the data, what has the new architecture added?

Between the two, the trade-off is one of scope. User-side mixing fails individually, silently and unevenly. An appointed intermediary becomes permanent financial infrastructure with a lasting commercial interest in the data it holds.

What is actually proposed


Fairness requires an important correction. The digital euro is not being built on distributed ledger technology. The design is a centralized settlement platform operated by the Eurosystem, with no public ledger exposing anyone’s balance. The blockchain scenario above remains conditional.

What survives the correction is the second concern. Under the proposed model, payment service providers hold users’ identities, perform identity checks and manage accounts. The ECB processes only pseudonymized data. The intermediary, however, sees every transaction. The trusted-party critique is not an objection to a rejected design; it describes the chosen one.

The offline euro and the data it leaves behind


The proposal’s strongest privacy feature is offline payment: funds are pre-loaded onto a tamper-resistant chip in a phone or card and transferred directly between devices, with no intermediary involved.

The detail that deserves public attention is what happens on reconnection. Offline funds must eventually be verified, because the Eurosystem has to detect counterfeiting and double-spending. ECB documents describe this online reconciliation as the “ultimate line of defence”, and record that each loading and unloading operation exposes the amount, the identifier of the storage device, the date and hour, and the online account used.

Individual purchases may remain private. The pattern around them does not. A person who loads €200 on a Tuesday and returns €12 to their account on a Friday has disclosed a €188 difference, the timing of both operations, the device that held the funds, and the account behind it. Repeated over a year, that yields a detailed picture of someone’s spending without a single purchase ever being recorded. Metadata of this kind is not a weaker form of monitoring than transaction data. It is a more efficient one, because it is structured, consistent and cheap to analyze at scale.

Merchants reconcile as well. Offline acceptance depends on terminals going online regularly to deposit what they have taken, which is precisely what limits the damage a compromised chip can do. Both ends of a cash-like payment therefore surface in back-end records — which returns the question to the merchant’s books, where this article began.

One sentence in the ECB’s own documents deserves particular attention. On what the Eurosystem receives, they state that “data elements depend on the technical solution which will evolve with the state-of-the-art of anti-forgery checks”.

That is a blank cheque. The privacy of the offline euro is not a property of the money. It is a promise about the contents of a database schema that is explicitly unfinished and explicitly expected to change, governed by an anti-fraud rationale that only ratchets one way. No one has ever proposed collecting less data to fight forgery – a fiction!

Both weaknesses in one design


Offline payment is offered as the alternative to the two mitigations described above. On inspection, it reproduces the drawbacks of each.

From the user side, mixing it inherits a burden placed on the individual. Protection depends on how much a person loads, how often, and onto which device — behavioral discipline rather than a cryptographic guarantee. As with a poorly executed mix, it fails without the user being aware of it.

From the intermediary model, it inherits a central observer. Reconciliation does not remove the watcher; it defers it. But where a regulated intermediary’s obligations are set out in law, the scope of what reconciliation records is left to a technical specification.

The combination creates a distinct risk for consumers. Offline payment will be chosen disproportionately by the people who most value privacy, for the transactions they most want kept private. That concentrates sensitive activity in the one channel whose record-keeping is least clearly bounded, and makes the loading pattern itself a signal. The part of the system promoted for its confidentiality should not be the part least defined in law.

Better designs exist


Stronger approaches have been available for decades. Stefan Brands’ 1993 offline cash scheme keeps transactions private unless a user double-spends, at which point the protocol mathematically reveals their identity — privacy by default, withdrawn only on proven cheating. GNU Taler, funded by the European Commission and the Swiss state, makes payers anonymous while keeping merchant income fully auditable, protecting shoppers without creating a shelter for undeclared revenue.

Neither is a complete substitute. Brands’ scheme does not support wallet-to-wallet transfers; Taler requires the payer to be online. Both, however, demonstrate that meaningful privacy is an engineering choice rather than a technical impossibility.

What European Pirates call for


Trilogue negotiations offer a genuine opportunity to strengthen the text. Four priorities matter for consumers:

First, offline payment should be a core feature, not a last resort; if the digital euro is to supplement cash, privacy must be built in from the start, not added as an optional extra.

Second, the limits in place should be high enough to prevent people from being directed online by default. If the limits imposed on offline payments are so strict that they become impractical for normal use, then the most private form of digital-euro payment will end up being the least used.

Thirdly, the reconciliation data set should be specified in the regulation itself, and the types of information gathered when offline funds are loaded, unloaded and reconciled should have clearly defined legal boundaries, not leave them open-ended as technical solutions develop.

Fourth, there must be clearly defined legal limits as to what payment service providers can do with the transaction data which they are already able to see. The rules need to ensure that payment information is not used as a resource for profiling or for commercial exploitation or for any uses that are unrelated to the purposes for which it was collected.

These safeguards are not arguments against a digital euro. They are conditions for making a public digital payment system worthy of public trust.

Cash still solves this problem. It works without connectivity, technical skill, or a trusted third party. Any digital successor should be held to that standard.

Europe does not have to choose between digital payments and privacy. It does, however, have to choose whether privacy is treated as a fundamental feature of digital public money or as something that can be adjusted later, once the infrastructure is already in place.


europeanpirates.eu/erypto-the-…


€rypto: the digital euro still has a privacy problem


On 9 July 2026, shortly before the summer break, the European Parliament confirmed its negotiating position on the regulation establishing a digital euro, by 416 votes to 169 with 22 abstentions. The vote followed the position adopted by the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee on 23 June by 43 votes to 14, and was triggered when three political groups challenged the committee’s decision to move straight into negotiations.

This is a mandate to negotiate, not a finished law. Talks between Parliament, Council and Commission are under way, with a deal targeted for the end of 2026. The European Central Bank (ECB) has penciled in a pilot for 2027 and a possible first issuance in 2029. There is still time to influence the design — which is precisely why the design deserves scrutiny now.

The case for the digital euro is real and should be stated fairly. Europe currently depends on a small number of non-European card networks and, increasingly, on dollar-denominated stablecoins. A public digital payment instrument is a serious answer to that dependency. Parliament has also strengthened the proposal in consumer-friendly ways, capping holdings and reinforcing protections for physical cash.

The question is not whether Europe needs public digital money. It is what that money reveals about the people who use it.

Why the shopkeeper matters


Some members of the European Parliament have argued the digital euro should be built on a blockchain, or distributed ledger technology (DLT) — a shared transaction record that participants can read and verify independently.

That design carries a specific and underappreciated consequence for ordinary shoppers. Merchants must keep books. Every payment must be reconciled and survive a tax inspection, which means the customer’s wallet address ends up in the shop’s accounts and accounting software. On an open ledger, a wallet address is not merely a reference number: it is a permanent, publicly searchable financial history. Anyone holding it can look up the balance and every past transaction.

In practice, a corner shop could see a customer’s account balance and spending history. Until now, that capability has belonged to banks, which are supervised, bound by confidentiality rules, and answerable for misuse.

But this is an important distinction: that is not the architecture currently being developed for the digital euro. The blockchain scenario is therefore a useful illustration of what can go wrong when payment architecture makes financial activity unnecessarily observable, rather than a description of the system now on the table.

The privacy question does not disappear simply because the proposed architecture is different. It changes form.

Two fixes, two different failures


Two mitigations are usually proposed, and both carry costs worth weighing openly.

The first asks users to protect themselves: a fresh wallet address for every payment, and mixing services that pool funds so they cannot be traced onward. This works only if applied consistently — a single reused address links the record permanently, and ledgers do not forget. It also asks people to run technical routines just to buy groceries, making privacy a benefit available mainly to expert users. Mixing services additionally sit close to, and sometimes inside, the legal definition of money laundering.

The second inserts a regulated payment service provider (PSP) — a bank or licensed payments firm — between shopper and shop. This does remove the merchant’s view. It does not remove the observer; it appoints one. The intermediary sees both sides of every transaction, across every customer and merchant it serves, and gains authority over who may transact. That describes banking, which raises a fair question: if the answer to the privacy problem is a regulated intermediary holding all the data, what has the new architecture added?

Between the two, the trade-off is one of scope. User-side mixing fails individually, silently and unevenly. An appointed intermediary becomes permanent financial infrastructure with a lasting commercial interest in the data it holds.

What is actually proposed


Fairness requires an important correction. The digital euro is not being built on distributed ledger technology. The design is a centralized settlement platform operated by the Eurosystem, with no public ledger exposing anyone’s balance. The blockchain scenario above remains conditional.

What survives the correction is the second concern. Under the proposed model, payment service providers hold users’ identities, perform identity checks and manage accounts. The ECB processes only pseudonymized data. The intermediary, however, sees every transaction. The trusted-party critique is not an objection to a rejected design; it describes the chosen one.

The offline euro and the data it leaves behind


The proposal’s strongest privacy feature is offline payment: funds are pre-loaded onto a tamper-resistant chip in a phone or card and transferred directly between devices, with no intermediary involved.

The detail that deserves public attention is what happens on reconnection. Offline funds must eventually be verified, because the Eurosystem has to detect counterfeiting and double-spending. ECB documents describe this online reconciliation as the “ultimate line of defence”, and record that each loading and unloading operation exposes the amount, the identifier of the storage device, the date and hour, and the online account used.

Individual purchases may remain private. The pattern around them does not. A person who loads €200 on a Tuesday and returns €12 to their account on a Friday has disclosed a €188 difference, the timing of both operations, the device that held the funds, and the account behind it. Repeated over a year, that yields a detailed picture of someone’s spending without a single purchase ever being recorded. Metadata of this kind is not a weaker form of monitoring than transaction data. It is a more efficient one, because it is structured, consistent and cheap to analyze at scale.

Merchants reconcile as well. Offline acceptance depends on terminals going online regularly to deposit what they have taken, which is precisely what limits the damage a compromised chip can do. Both ends of a cash-like payment therefore surface in back-end records — which returns the question to the merchant’s books, where this article began.

One sentence in the ECB’s own documents deserves particular attention. On what the Eurosystem receives, they state that “data elements depend on the technical solution which will evolve with the state-of-the-art of anti-forgery checks”.

That is a blank cheque. The privacy of the offline euro is not a property of the money. It is a promise about the contents of a database schema that is explicitly unfinished and explicitly expected to change, governed by an anti-fraud rationale that only ratchets one way. No one has ever proposed collecting less data to fight forgery – a fiction!

Both weaknesses in one design


Offline payment is offered as the alternative to the two mitigations described above. On inspection, it reproduces the drawbacks of each.

From the user side, mixing it inherits a burden placed on the individual. Protection depends on how much a person loads, how often, and onto which device — behavioral discipline rather than a cryptographic guarantee. As with a poorly executed mix, it fails without the user being aware of it.

From the intermediary model, it inherits a central observer. Reconciliation does not remove the watcher; it defers it. But where a regulated intermediary’s obligations are set out in law, the scope of what reconciliation records is left to a technical specification.

The combination creates a distinct risk for consumers. Offline payment will be chosen disproportionately by the people who most value privacy, for the transactions they most want kept private. That concentrates sensitive activity in the one channel whose record-keeping is least clearly bounded, and makes the loading pattern itself a signal. The part of the system promoted for its confidentiality should not be the part least defined in law.

Better designs exist


Stronger approaches have been available for decades. Stefan Brands’ 1993 offline cash scheme keeps transactions private unless a user double-spends, at which point the protocol mathematically reveals their identity — privacy by default, withdrawn only on proven cheating. GNU Taler, funded by the European Commission and the Swiss state, makes payers anonymous while keeping merchant income fully auditable, protecting shoppers without creating a shelter for undeclared revenue.

Neither is a complete substitute. Brands’ scheme does not support wallet-to-wallet transfers; Taler requires the payer to be online. Both, however, demonstrate that meaningful privacy is an engineering choice rather than a technical impossibility.

What European Pirates call for


Trilogue negotiations offer a genuine opportunity to strengthen the text. Four priorities matter for consumers:

First, offline payment should be a core feature, not a last resort; if the digital euro is to supplement cash, privacy must be built in from the start, not added as an optional extra.

Second, the limits in place should be high enough to prevent people from being directed online by default. If the limits imposed on offline payments are so strict that they become impractical for normal use, then the most private form of digital-euro payment will end up being the least used.

Thirdly, the reconciliation data set should be specified in the regulation itself, and the types of information gathered when offline funds are loaded, unloaded and reconciled should have clearly defined legal boundaries, not leave them open-ended as technical solutions develop.

Fourth, there must be clearly defined legal limits as to what payment service providers can do with the transaction data which they are already able to see. The rules need to ensure that payment information is not used as a resource for profiling or for commercial exploitation or for any uses that are unrelated to the purposes for which it was collected.

These safeguards are not arguments against a digital euro. They are conditions for making a public digital payment system worthy of public trust.

Cash still solves this problem. It works without connectivity, technical skill, or a trusted third party. Any digital successor should be held to that standard.

Europe does not have to choose between digital payments and privacy. It does, however, have to choose whether privacy is treated as a fundamental feature of digital public money or as something that can be adjusted later, once the infrastructure is already in place.


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€rypto: the digital euro still has a privacy problem


On 9 July 2026, shortly before the summer break, the European Parliament confirmed its negotiating position on the regulation establishing a digital euro, by 416 votes to 169 with 22 abstentions. The vote followed the position adopted by the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee on 23 June by 43 votes to 14, and was triggered when three political groups challenged the committee's decision to move straight into negotiations. This is a mandate to negotiate, not a finished law. Talks between […]
The media in this post is not displayed to visitors. To view it, please go to the original post.

On 9 July 2026, shortly before the summer break, the European Parliament confirmed its negotiating position on the regulation establishing a digital euro, by 416 votes to 169 with 22 abstentions. The vote followed the position adopted by the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee on 23 June by 43 votes to 14, and was triggered when three political groups challenged the committee’s decision to move straight into negotiations.

This is a mandate to negotiate, not a finished law. Talks between Parliament, Council and Commission are under way, with a deal targeted for the end of 2026. The European Central Bank (ECB) has penciled in a pilot for 2027 and a possible first issuance in 2029. There is still time to influence the design — which is precisely why the design deserves scrutiny now.

The case for the digital euro is real and should be stated fairly. Europe currently depends on a small number of non-European card networks and, increasingly, on dollar-denominated stablecoins. A public digital payment instrument is a serious answer to that dependency. Parliament has also strengthened the proposal in consumer-friendly ways, capping holdings and reinforcing protections for physical cash.

The question is not whether Europe needs public digital money. It is what that money reveals about the people who use it.

Why the shopkeeper matters


Some members of the European Parliament have argued the digital euro should be built on a blockchain, or distributed ledger technology (DLT) — a shared transaction record that participants can read and verify independently.

That design carries a specific and underappreciated consequence for ordinary shoppers. Merchants must keep books. Every payment must be reconciled and survive a tax inspection, which means the customer’s wallet address ends up in the shop’s accounts and accounting software. On an open ledger, a wallet address is not merely a reference number: it is a permanent, publicly searchable financial history. Anyone holding it can look up the balance and every past transaction.

In practice, a corner shop could see a customer’s account balance and spending history. Until now, that capability has belonged to banks, which are supervised, bound by confidentiality rules, and answerable for misuse.

But this is an important distinction: that is not the architecture currently being developed for the digital euro. The blockchain scenario is therefore a useful illustration of what can go wrong when payment architecture makes financial activity unnecessarily observable, rather than a description of the system now on the table.

The privacy question does not disappear simply because the proposed architecture is different. It changes form.

Two fixes, two different failures


Two mitigations are usually proposed, and both carry costs worth weighing openly.

The first asks users to protect themselves: a fresh wallet address for every payment, and mixing services that pool funds so they cannot be traced onward. This works only if applied consistently — a single reused address links the record permanently, and ledgers do not forget. It also asks people to run technical routines just to buy groceries, making privacy a benefit available mainly to expert users. Mixing services additionally sit close to, and sometimes inside, the legal definition of money laundering.

The second inserts a regulated payment service provider (PSP) — a bank or licensed payments firm — between shopper and shop. This does remove the merchant’s view. It does not remove the observer; it appoints one. The intermediary sees both sides of every transaction, across every customer and merchant it serves, and gains authority over who may transact. That describes banking, which raises a fair question: if the answer to the privacy problem is a regulated intermediary holding all the data, what has the new architecture added?

Between the two, the trade-off is one of scope. User-side mixing fails individually, silently and unevenly. An appointed intermediary becomes permanent financial infrastructure with a lasting commercial interest in the data it holds.

What is actually proposed


Fairness requires an important correction. The digital euro is not being built on distributed ledger technology. The design is a centralized settlement platform operated by the Eurosystem, with no public ledger exposing anyone’s balance. The blockchain scenario above remains conditional.

What survives the correction is the second concern. Under the proposed model, payment service providers hold users’ identities, perform identity checks and manage accounts. The ECB processes only pseudonymized data. The intermediary, however, sees every transaction. The trusted-party critique is not an objection to a rejected design; it describes the chosen one.

The offline euro and the data it leaves behind


The proposal’s strongest privacy feature is offline payment: funds are pre-loaded onto a tamper-resistant chip in a phone or card and transferred directly between devices, with no intermediary involved.

The detail that deserves public attention is what happens on reconnection. Offline funds must eventually be verified, because the Eurosystem has to detect counterfeiting and double-spending. ECB documents describe this online reconciliation as the “ultimate line of defence”, and record that each loading and unloading operation exposes the amount, the identifier of the storage device, the date and hour, and the online account used.

Individual purchases may remain private. The pattern around them does not. A person who loads €200 on a Tuesday and returns €12 to their account on a Friday has disclosed a €188 difference, the timing of both operations, the device that held the funds, and the account behind it. Repeated over a year, that yields a detailed picture of someone’s spending without a single purchase ever being recorded. Metadata of this kind is not a weaker form of monitoring than transaction data. It is a more efficient one, because it is structured, consistent and cheap to analyze at scale.

Merchants reconcile as well. Offline acceptance depends on terminals going online regularly to deposit what they have taken, which is precisely what limits the damage a compromised chip can do. Both ends of a cash-like payment therefore surface in back-end records — which returns the question to the merchant’s books, where this article began.

One sentence in the ECB’s own documents deserves particular attention. On what the Eurosystem receives, they state that “data elements depend on the technical solution which will evolve with the state-of-the-art of anti-forgery checks”.

That is a blank cheque. The privacy of the offline euro is not a property of the money. It is a promise about the contents of a database schema that is explicitly unfinished and explicitly expected to change, governed by an anti-fraud rationale that only ratchets one way. No one has ever proposed collecting less data to fight forgery – a fiction!

Both weaknesses in one design


Offline payment is offered as the alternative to the two mitigations described above. On inspection, it reproduces the drawbacks of each.

From the user side, mixing it inherits a burden placed on the individual. Protection depends on how much a person loads, how often, and onto which device — behavioral discipline rather than a cryptographic guarantee. As with a poorly executed mix, it fails without the user being aware of it.

From the intermediary model, it inherits a central observer. Reconciliation does not remove the watcher; it defers it. But where a regulated intermediary’s obligations are set out in law, the scope of what reconciliation records is left to a technical specification.

The combination creates a distinct risk for consumers. Offline payment will be chosen disproportionately by the people who most value privacy, for the transactions they most want kept private. That concentrates sensitive activity in the one channel whose record-keeping is least clearly bounded, and makes the loading pattern itself a signal. The part of the system promoted for its confidentiality should not be the part least defined in law.

Better designs exist


Stronger approaches have been available for decades. Stefan Brands’ 1993 offline cash scheme keeps transactions private unless a user double-spends, at which point the protocol mathematically reveals their identity — privacy by default, withdrawn only on proven cheating. GNU Taler, funded by the European Commission and the Swiss state, makes payers anonymous while keeping merchant income fully auditable, protecting shoppers without creating a shelter for undeclared revenue.

Neither is a complete substitute. Brands’ scheme does not support wallet-to-wallet transfers; Taler requires the payer to be online. Both, however, demonstrate that meaningful privacy is an engineering choice rather than a technical impossibility.

What European Pirates call for


Trilogue negotiations offer a genuine opportunity to strengthen the text. Four priorities matter for consumers:

First, offline payment should be a core feature, not a last resort; if the digital euro is to supplement cash, privacy must be built in from the start, not added as an optional extra.

Second, the limits in place should be high enough to prevent people from being directed online by default. If the limits imposed on offline payments are so strict that they become impractical for normal use, then the most private form of digital-euro payment will end up being the least used.

Thirdly, the reconciliation data set should be specified in the regulation itself, and the types of information gathered when offline funds are loaded, unloaded and reconciled should have clearly defined legal boundaries, not leave them open-ended as technical solutions develop.

Fourth, there must be clearly defined legal limits as to what payment service providers can do with the transaction data which they are already able to see. The rules need to ensure that payment information is not used as a resource for profiling or for commercial exploitation or for any uses that are unrelated to the purposes for which it was collected.

These safeguards are not arguments against a digital euro. They are conditions for making a public digital payment system worthy of public trust.

Cash still solves this problem. It works without connectivity, technical skill, or a trusted third party. Any digital successor should be held to that standard.

Europe does not have to choose between digital payments and privacy. It does, however, have to choose whether privacy is treated as a fundamental feature of digital public money or as something that can be adjusted later, once the infrastructure is already in place.

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Cloud, se le regole nate per proteggere l’Europa finiscono per frenarla

L’#Europa invoca la #sovranitadigitale ma gare pubbliche, certificazioni e regole modellate sui fornitori esistenti rafforzano la dipendenza dai colossi statunitensi. Il caso EduStorage mostra perché costruire un cloud europeo davvero resta molto più difficile che regolamentare quello degli altri.


Massimo Carboni non è il classico imprenditore che si lamenta dei soliti lacci e laccioli. Lavora, infatti, per il #Garr, infrastruttura di ricerca pubblica e italiana, e affronta una forma più profonda di cattura del regolatore: non si tratta solo dell'influenza di #Gafam nella redazione legislativa, ma di una peculiare mancanza di immaginazione, che conduce a scrivere regole pensate, e anzi sdraiate sull'esistente.

Stavamo lavorando a EduStorage, una federazione di storage cloud per il sistema universitario e della ricerca italiano. È un’idea semplice: mettere insieme infrastrutture distribuite, farle dialogare, costruire un’alternativa europea ai grandi provider nordamericani per conservare e condividere dati scientifici. L’idea funziona. La tecnologia c’è. I soggetti interessati ci sono. Eppure ad ogni passo ti scontri con qualcosa che non ha niente a che fare con i bit: procedure di gara scritte per chi già esiste, qualificazioni cloud che fotografano un mercato di ieri, responsabilità amministrative che scoraggiano chiunque voglia provare qualcosa di nuovo.
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“Perché Autistici/Inventati ha fatto causa a Banca Etica dopo la chiusura del conto” altreconomia.it/perche-autisti… #bancaetica #Attualità #autistici #gabrielli #inventati #pagamenti #albanese #gianelli #sanzioni #banche #etica #soldi #ofac #usa
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Announcing keepitfree.ai

Many things happened since August 26, 2026, when the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) at the US Department of the Treasury included us in their list of “Specially Designated Global Terrorists” (SDGT). This is just the beginning.

We have now created a dedicated space to document what has been unfolding since August 26, to empower our unpredictable, chaotic and magnificent solidarity network by keeping it up to date with the consequences of the US government designation and our responses.

Read the full announcement on keepitfree.ai/announcements/an…

#KeepItFree #AutisticiInventati

in reply to cavallette

Presentiamo keepitfree.ai

Dal 26 agosto, quando il Dipartimento del Tesoro statunitense, tramite OFAC, ci ha sanzionato come “Specially Designated Global Terrorist” (SDGT), sono successe tante cose, tanto si è mosso. Ed è solo l’inizio.

Abbiamo deciso di creare uno spazio unico per raccogliere quello che sta avvenendo dopo il 26 agosto, per permettere a tutta quella imprevedibile, caotica, magnifica comunità solidale di restare aggiornata più facilmente sulle conseguenze della decisione del governo USA e su quello che stiamo facendo.

Leggi l'annuncio completo su keepitfree.ai/it/announcements…

#KeepItFree #AutisticiInventati

in reply to cavallette

giusto per segnalarvi che qui keepitfree.ai/technical-update… il primo link ai "connection parameters" e' rotto keepitfree.ai/docs/mail/connec… il secondo funziona inventati.org/docs/mail/connec…
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Log Out @ Roma

🕒 17 settembre, 18:30 - 17 settembre, 21:30

📍 Via delle Palme, Roma, Lazio

🔗 mobilizon.it/events/e762d2c6-f…


Log Out @ Roma
Inizia: Giovedì Settembre 17, 2026 @ 6:30 PM GMT+02:00 (Europe/Rome)
Finisce: Giovedì Settembre 17, 2026 @ 9:30 PM GMT+02:00 (Europe/Rome)

Giovedì 17 settembre torniamo con il Logout di TWC Roma, il ritrovo per tech workers che vogliono incontrarsi dopo lavoro: un'occasione per socializzare, conoscersi, parlare del nostro lavoro e come organizzarci nei prossimi mesi!

Ci vediamo giovedì 17 settembre, alle 18.30, da Shah Mat a Centocelle!

Unisciti al Gruppo telegram!


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☕ CYBERBRIEFING MATTUTINO — Venerdì 11 settembre 2026

👉 Leggi tutti gli aggiornamenti delle ultime 24 ore:
ilpuntocyber.rfeed.it/article.…

#newsletter #cybersecurity
@informatica

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17 settembre 2026 18:30:00 CEST - GMT+02:00 - Via delle Palme, 00171, Roma, Italia
Sep 17
Log Out @ Roma
Thu 6:30 PM - 9:30 PM Europe/Rome
m0nt4lb4n0

Giovedì 17 settembre torniamo con il Logout di TWC Roma, il ritrovo per tech workers che vogliono incontrarsi dopo lavoro: un'occasione per socializzare, conoscersi, parlare del nostro lavoro e come organizzarci nei prossimi mesi!

Ci vediamo giovedì 17 settembre, alle 18.30, da Shah Mat a Centocelle!

Unisciti al Gruppo telegram!

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Generative AI is a Faustian bargain. Every use of it weakens you. Maybe you occasionally save a few minutes, but you are diminished for it. With each use you are further from your human potential.
in reply to Ben Lockwood, PhD 🌎

Well big question is what are people who used it supposed to do about this (besides just quit)? Those with mental disorders are VERY easily swayed by it, especially those with OCD, who are VERY drawn towards stupid question answering reassurance machine, to the point it becomes its own addiction (ask me how i know... i still cant fully stop myself...). Do you believe this damage can ever be fixed? How do you "get off" this cycle?
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Kulturstaatsminister Wolfram Weimer lässt mit Vorschlägen aufhorchen, die die europäische Medienvielfalt sichern und zugleich US-Techkonzerne einhegen sollen. Mit der Umsetzung hapert es allerdings: Nun legt die EU-Kommission der geplanten Investitionspflicht für Streaming-Dienste Steine in den Weg. netzpolitik.org/2026/investiti…

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LibreOffice batte ogni record di download dopo aver dichiarato di non avere funzionalità basate sull'intelligenza artificiale

LibreOffice 26.8, rilasciato il 26 agosto , è diventato l'aggiornamento più popolare del software.

LibreOffice è un'alternativa gratuita a Microsoft Office presente sul mercato da quasi vent'anni. In una settimana, il programma di installazione è stato scaricato più di un milione di volte, senza contare gli aggiornamenti tramite i repository delle distribuzioni Linux.

Qualcuno potrebbe dire che i miglioramenti al sistema di scrittura e alla tipografia sono un successo tra le ONG, le agenzie governative e gli uffici che utilizzano LibreOffice. Io, però, punto su una "non-funzionalità": l'affermazione che LibreOffice non includa funzionalità di intelligenza artificiale generativa a causa della (mancanza di) privacy della tecnologia.

Il giorno dopo aver celebrato il record di download e l'ampia copertura mediatica, la Document Foundation (TDF), che gestisce il software, ha chiarito la propria posizione in un post intitolato "Sì, l'IA non è più una funzionalità".

L'articolo, firmato da @Italo Vignoli , afferma che TDF "non respinge l'intelligenza artificiale a priori", ma che la tecnologia non soddisfa ancora un elenco esaustivo di principi per essere inclusa di default. Tali principi sono:

manualdousuario.net/en/libreof…

@GNU/Linux Italia

The Stars and Stripes firings look familiar to those behind bars


Last month’s firing of the publisher of Stars and Stripes, as well as an editor and reporter, further cemented the Trump administration’s full-fledged declaration of war against press freedom. To me personally, it stood out from his countless other attacks because I know the dangers this specific form of censorship entails.

I am in my 28th consecutive year of incarceration in the state of Texas. When I first arrived, I enjoyed receiving the prison’s newspaper, The Echo. Each month, there were stories that provided useful information about legal, social, and educational issues that were vastly important to the incarcerated population.

At that time, the Texas prison system was still under federally imposed “special master” supervision as a result of a civil rights lawsuit filed by seven jailhouse lawyers nearly three decades earlier.

In 1972, incarcerated individuals accused the Texas prison system of violating their constitutional rights in numerous ways. The litigation became known as the “Ruiz case” after one of the original plaintiffs, David Ruiz.

This lawsuit resulted in a trial that holds the record as the longest prisoners’ case in the history of American jurisprudence. In 1980, the court found Texas was indeed violating the constitutional rights of people in its care and ordered systemic change.

A year after my arrival in prison, issues of the prison’s newspaper disappeared without explanation.

The Echo was the tool that incarcerated journalists used to keep the incarcerated population — and their loved ones, because it was not uncommon for people to mail news clippings to family members — updated on prison officials’ compliance or lack thereof with the federal mandates.

A year after my arrival, issues of The Echo disappeared without any explanation. In 2003, it resurfaced as a shell of its prior self. Instead of critical coverage, the pages were filled with “feel-good stories” that inaccurately depicted prison life in Texas as the best of all possible worlds.

The old staff had been replaced by a new group of workers subservient to prison officials, who had taken complete control over all editorial decisions. The Echo was no longer independent. It had become — and continued to be — a tool for false government propaganda.

Before the Stars and Stripes firings (which have been paused due to legal proceedings), the newspaper was publishing the kind of reporting that the Echo was known for before its makeover, except for members of the military rather than the incarcerated population.

That changed, according to a lawsuit filed by the fired journalists, when Stars and Stripes angered the Pete Hegseth-led Department of Defense through its reporting on the USS Abraham Lincoln, a 5,000-person aircraft carrier that had been out at sea for a record-setting nine months.

Stars and Stripes was publishing the kind of reporting the prison newspaper was known for. That changed.

Reports revealed that sailors on the military vessel were suffering from low morale as a result of the long deployment and difficult living conditions. Americans read about a shortage of basic supplies, water contamination, broken toilets, disruption in the mail system, and deck safety concerns, leading to deteriorating mental health and suicide attempts. MS NOW and others reported that sailors have actually jumped from the carrier.

The staff at Stars and Stripes — despite knowing the administration was looking for reasons to target them — upheld their journalistic responsibility by reporting accurately to the military American public about the situation on the USS Abraham Lincoln.

But in Trump’s world, which Hegseth also inhabits, an independent press serves no legitimate purpose. If a media outlet’s content does not praise him or demonize and discredit his critics, it’s fake news and counterproductive.

Of course, the removal of the staff at Stars and Stripes is just the latest attack in the administration’s war to eradicate independent media. Hegseth doesn’t only want to control government-funded media — he wants private journalists to swear away their constitutional rights as a condition of attending news conferences. Trump himself has raided journalists’ homes, subpoenaed them and their families, sued them for billions, and targeted them for immigration and other arrests.

In Trump and Hegseth’s world, an independent press serves no legitimate purpose.

Authoritarian regimes, current and past, have shown how brutal a government becomes when press freedoms are restricted. But the Echo’s example shows one does not have to travel back to Nazi Germany or apartheid South Africa to grasp the dangers.

Since the Echo became an instrument for the state, incarcerated people in Texas are exposed daily to inhumanity beyond description, contributing to the same mental health issues the government seeks to cover up by silencing Stars and Stripes. Texas prisons averaged about 56 suicides a year from 2020-23, compared to 28 per year from 2005-19.

Others have turned to extreme substance abuse as an escape. Walking onto any cellblock at any Texas prison can be like taking a stroll down Philadelphia’s infamous Kensington Avenue. Incarcerated people are laid out, unconscious, in a drug-induced stupor. Texas prisons report a nearly 2,500 percent increase in drug overdose deaths in the past seven years alone.

Basic necessities like toilet paper, deodorant, toothpaste, soap, and functioning plumbing are scarce, forcing people without outside sources of funds to resort to all sorts of bizarre measures.

Most importantly, there is no independent press to inform the incarcerated population inside the prison system and help them protect or advocate for their constitutional freedom from cruel and unusual punishment.

Despite the suicide crisis and substance-use epidemic, the cover story for the July issue of the Echo is “Stitches With Love,” a story about a new prison quilting program.

This exemplifies what news content in Stars and Stripes and elsewhere will look like if Trump and Hegseth are successful. Military families may no longer hear about the horrid conditions causing sailors to jump ship, but they’ll get to read all about the activities offered in aircraft carriers’ craft rooms.


freedom.press/issues/the-stars…

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Nach der Landtagswahl in Sachsen-Anhalt wird am Wochenende in dutzenden Städten gegen Rechtsextremismus demonstriert. Die Demos haben unterschiedliche Zielsetzungen, bundesweit werden Zehntausende Menschen erwartet. Ein Überblick.

netzpolitik.org/2026/nach-wahl…

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Hegseth is a propaganda flop. Don’t let Congress throw him a lifeline


Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is obsessed with controlling the narrative. His censorship and propaganda efforts are myriad: lashing out over photographs of himself he doesn’t like, barring reporters from the Pentagon who don’t sign away their First Amendment rights, forcing suspected leakers to take ineffective polygraph tests, undermining the independence of military newspaper Stars and Stripes, and secretly compensating social media influencers who praise him.

But as Guardian columnist Margaret Sullivan recently noted, Hegseth is failing as a propagandist. The Iran war is deeply unpopular, and his approval numbers are far lower than whatever testosterone level he and his insecurities deem unworthy of military service.

Still, Hegseth’s inability to sell the public on alternative facts doesn’t mean Americans are uniquely resistant to spin. It only means Hegseth can’t control the information ecosystem, no matter how many reporters he bans from news conferences. But that could change if politicians of both parties don’t stop supporting measures that undermine journalists and whistleblowers.

Journalists in the U.S. don’t need government permission to report — for now. But there are some things they do need.

Sources willing to come forward.

News outlets that aren’t vulnerable to reliance on the government. (The attacks on Stars and Stripes and other outlets that get federal funding show the limits of statutory guarantees of independence).

And an open internet where information can travel, notwithstanding private actors’ efforts to censor some corners.

When these conditions exist, journalists who turn in their press passes rather than sign loyalty pledges can find scoops in plenty of other ways, most of which would be far more difficult, if not impossible, absent the independent media and open internet.

Hegseth can’t sell the public on alternative facts because he can’t control the information ecosystem.

Officials in other countries without these ingredients have succeeded in pushing propaganda where Hegseth and the rest of the Trump administration have failed, and it’s not because those countries have less courageous journalists, a more gullible public, or more likable censors.

In Russia, independent outlets not controlled by loyal oligarchs have been forced to shut down or relocate abroad. Those who stay face prosecution for even calling the war in Ukraine a war. Many social media companies have been shut down, and Russia has started blocking VPNs that its citizens were using to evade the bans.

By contrast, the Trump administration’s efforts to relabel the war in Iran as anything but have been met with mockery, and anyone with an internet connection can get in on the joke.

In North Korea and Eritrea, the two lowest-ranking countries in Reporters Without Borders’ global press freedom index this year, there are no local journalists to blow the whistle to because reporting anything but authorized propaganda is a crime, punishable by imprisonment in horrid conditions or labor camps.

Those who oppose Trumpian censorship presumably appreciate that the conditions that blunt its impact exist here. And yet, support across both political parties in the U.S. remains strong for crackdowns on government leaks, and increased restrictions and surveillance of the internet.

Even as leaks enable countless important news stories about the administration — on immigration enforcement, the war in Iran, or the fiasco involving Trump’s unsafe Qatari jet — few politicians are standing up for whistleblowers who speak to the press.

We haven’t heard any mea culpas from politicians who supported prosecuting WikiLeaks publisher Julian Assange under the Espionage Act, even after the Trump administration cited Assange’s case to justify raiding the home of a Washington Post reporter in January, seizing terabytes of data.

Even as leaks enable countless important news stories about the administration, few politicians are standing up for whistleblowers.

In fact, last year, despite Trump threatening journalists and sources throughout his campaign, Democratic Sen. Mark Warner made calling whistleblower and Freedom of the Press (FPF) board member Ed Snowden a “traitor” into a litmus test for service in government. Warner hasn’t changed his tune since.

Similarly, lawmakers from both parties have shown a disturbing willingness to support initiatives to make the internet far less free.

Both Democrats and Republicans have cheered legislation that would require adults to submit to invasive age verification in order to read news online, as well as praised the recent legal settlement by Meta that will likely impose similar requirements across a swath of social media companies.

These requirements destroy the anonymity that people rely on to speak, read, and watch freely online. In an era where the feds may show up at your door over what you read, and tech companies may out you for criticizing the government, online anonymity is vital.

Similarly, proposals to repeal or gut Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act to make platforms legally responsible for user content — supported by some politicians from both parties — would do little to stem the tide of lawful but awful online posts. What it would do is push platforms to remove anything that upsets the powerful rather than invest in legal review of an infinite number of posts.

If you don’t like how the government cajoles tech companies into taking down users’ posts that displease it today (or yesterday), this problem will be far worse if platforms are unprotected from civil liability.

Congress should be focused on passing laws that safeguard First Amendment freedoms, rather than supporting measures that will allow Hegseth and his colleagues in the Trump administration to stamp out independent journalism like their authoritarian idols abroad.

Congress should be focused on passing laws that safeguard First Amendment freedoms.

It should pass The Daniel Ellsberg Press Freedom and Whistleblower Act, named after the famed Pentagon Papers leaker and FPF co-founder, which would increase protections for those who expose government wrongdoing.

And it should pass The Privacy Protection Updates Act, which would help put a stop to government raids on reporters.

It should also pass The Subpoena Abuse Prevention Act to rein in administrative subpoenas targeting journalists.

And, finally, it should pass the PRESS Act to stop the government from compelling reporters and tech companies to out whistleblowers.

These are some of the bills that you can urge your lawmakers to support. Otherwise, the consequences for the free press may be far uglier than any bad Hegseth hair day captured by news photographers at the Pentagon.


freedom.press/issues/hegseth-i…

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I support this proposal. I could also support many variations on the theme. Kudos to the 10 co-authors.
zenodo.org/records/21934115

The gold, green, bronze, hybrid... labels were never a systematic classification. They evolved like the winding streets in the center of an old city. Plus, they're opaque and widely misunderstood.

#GoldOA #GreenOA #OpenAccess #ScholComm

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Dall’autunno 2026 tutti i ricercatori di enti italiani potranno pubblicare su Open Research Europe senza costi


In base alla decisione di cui abbiamo dato notizia qui, da questo autunno i ricercatori che lavorano in istituzioni italiane potranno pubblicare su ORE, piattaforma europea ad accesso aperto che pratica la revisione paritaria aperta, senza costi. Per il momento ORE non è ancora amministrativamente scientifica. Si suppone che l'Anvur cambierà idea - cosa che non muta la circostanza che, in Italia, la scientificità continui a dipendere, più che mai, dal potere esecutivo.

In base alla decisione di cui abbiamo dato notizia qui, da questo autunno i ricercatori che lavorano in istituzioni italiane potranno pubblicare su ORE, piattaforma europea ad accesso aperto che pratica la revisione paritaria aperta, senza costi.

Per il momento ORE non è ancora amministrativamente scientifica. Si suppone che l’Anvur cambierà idea – cosa che non muta la circostanza che, in Italia, la scientificità continui a dipendere, più che mai, dal potere esecutivo.


La notizia è visibile sul sito del ministero, qui. Rimane non risolta, però, una questione strutturale: che, in Italia, a stabilire che cos’è pubblicazione scientifica e che cosa no sia il governo o una sua sempre più diretta emanazione. Il fatto che sulla scientificità di ORE, dopo precedenti diversi, ci si avvii a cambiare idea è un dettaglio che non muta il quadro.
- The post’s content. aisa.sp.unipi.it/il-ministero-…

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⚠️ A report has been released by Europol and the lobby seeking to dismantle all forms of protected communication, titled "Horizon scanning of emerging privacy-enhancing technologies."

What is described merely as a "participatory technology foresight exercise developed by the JRC and Europol to support policymakers and law enforcement" is, in reality, a comprehensive document designed to enable policymakers to eliminate all private citizen communications.

europol.europa.eu/publications…

@privacy

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⚠️ Pubblicato il report di #Europol e della lobby che vuole scardinare tutte le comunicazioni protette: "Analisi prospettica delle tecnologie emergenti per la tutela della privacy"

Un "esercizio partecipativo di previsione tecnologica sviluppato dal JRC e da EUROPOL a supporto dei responsabili politici e delle forze dell'ordine" o un documento più completo messo a disposizione della politica per eliminare ogni comunicazione riservata dei cittadini?

europol.europa.eu/publications…

@privacypride

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Interesting initiative I just became aware of:

#Peerreview is a finite resource, and every review invitation presents a choice about where our time goes. The Diamond Reviewer Pledge asks researchers to commit to reviewing at least one article a year for a #diamond #openaccess journal — free to publish, free to read, and run by the scholarly community. It takes a minute to sign and helps sustain the journals that keep research open to everyone. Learn more and join:

forrt.org/diamond-reviewer

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❗ Nun ist es sicher: noyb wird eine Unterlassungsklage gegen #SCHUFA einbringen. ⚖️ Vor zwei Wochen haben wir diese bereits wegen ihrer #Schattendatenbank abgemahnt.

🧑‍⚖️ Du bist an einer möglichen #Sammelklage interessiert? Trage dich hier ein, um up to date zu bleiben: 👉 schufa.noyb.eu/

Alle weiteren Infos findest du hier: 🔗 noyb.eu/de/schufa-insists-shad…

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