We are pleased to present the following report from Kay Schroeder, PPI’s representative at the United Nations Office in Vienna. This year is the first time since before COVID that we were able to send representatives to all three UN offices (New York, Geneva, and Vienna). Please let us know if you would also like to visit the UN on behalf of PPI.

Report of Kay Schroeder on UNOV Meetings of the UNODC

The UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime) invited its member states to attend the 68th Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) in Vienna, held from March 10th to 15th. This marked my first appearance as an ECOSOC consultant for Pirate Party International at an international conference, and I was eager to see what it would entail. I dressed in my best outfit (as shown in the picture) and arrived punctually by bike at 10 a.m. on Monday.

As it was the arrival day, most attendees were busy with accreditation, familiarizing themselves with the venue, and reuniting with colleagues. The main event took place in the Plenary Hall of Building M. On the first day, member states presented general statements outlining their perspectives on the UNODC’s work. It was quite a family atmosphere. People were respectful and most of them seemed to know each other for years. I enjoyed the relaxed atmosphere and the openminded intellectualism in the room. It appeared so unpolitical to me, very different from what I recognized in parliaments.

The 68th CND was chaired by Ambassador Shambhu Kumaran, India’s representative to the UN in Vienna.

The event’s agenda included six resolutions for adoption, outlined in the COW (Committee of the Whole) draft proposals. These proposals were deliberated in the COW sessions, chaired by Andranik Hovhannisyan, Armenia’s ambassador to Austria. Additionally, various side events hosted by member states provided in-depth perspectives on their respective challenges and proposed solutions. These sessions were essential for understanding the complexities underlying the negotiations, as drug-related issues differ significantly between countries.

While synthetic drugs were the primary focus, much discussion centered on the repercussions of decisions made during previous CNDs. One memorable side event, organized by the Colombian delegation, explored the environmental impact of cocaine regulation. They highlighted how the drastic reduction in coca cultivation—from 20,000 hectares to 2,000 hectares—had led to a sharp rise in cattle farming, increasing from 6,000 to nearly 600,000. This raised the critical question of which outcome posed a greater threat to the environment.

Environment besides was one of the critical points of the whole event. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), serving as the foundation for the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, faced significant criticism and sparked ongoing disagreements regarding the proposals.

The side events were primarily organized by member states that had submitted proposals, often in collaboration with one another. As a result, these events were also joint efforts. Moreover, there were several lectures discussing the progress of drug management, treatment and prevention in specific countries.

The program was extensive, offering a wide array of insightful sessions. This made it necessary for me to carefully decide which events to attend, as all of them appeared highly engaging.

Throughout the week, the Committee of the Whole (COW) worked to refine the wording of each resolution, aiming to maximize the likelihood of their approval by the greatest number of members during the plenary session. The process strongly reminded me of the Liquid Democracy decision making approach, which we also encountered challenges with at Pirate Party Austria.

Each proposal underwent a series of revisions, as countries sought to add, remove, or rephrase elements until a final version emerged that could gain acceptance from all member states. Achieving unanimity proved to be a significant challenge at the UN, drawing notable criticism during Friday’s voting session. Nevertheless, the process unfolded as a continuous, real-time negotiation, much like the Liquid Democracy system, and faced similar challenges.

The importance of precise wording and language was paramount, particularly as each proposal faced opposition from different member states. To secure unanimity, it became evident that the proposals would need to be diluted to a point of near unrecognizability. The legalistic nature of the discussions, along with the increasing tensions throughout the week, was palpable. What began as a warm, familial atmosphere gradually evolved into a more professional and determined environment —still courteous in interactions but resolute in addressing the issues at hand.

The suspense reached its peak on Friday. It was voting day, and everyone was eager to see how things were unfolding. Certain side events were held privately for consultations, leaving the public uninformed about the progress. The COW faced certain expectations, particularly from the UNODC itself, which is acutely aware of the glaring failures in drug policy over recent years. The growing number of addiction-related impairments, particularly due to synthetic opioids like Fentanyl and Ketamine, as well as the rampant spread of pink cocaine—a drug cocktail containing MDMA, Ketamine, and various painkiller ingredients in South America—has led to harsh criticism of their own work.

This was accompanied by accusations directed at various countries, whether between consumers and producers (e.g., the US and China) or between advocates of legalization and proponents of prohibition. Decisions needed to be made, and resolutions had to be adopted. To keep it short. All proposals put forward by the COW were passed by a majority. However, the voting process highlighted weaknesses within the UN structure, similar to those seen in the EU. The U.S. government rejected all proposals, asserting that including the Sustainable Development Goals— viewed by them as a hidden global political agenda—was unacceptable under the principle of national sovereignty.

This critique arose despite the SDGs forming the foundation of the widely endorsed Agenda 2030.

Furthermore, the U.S. government fully rejected the Agenda 2030, calling for its removal during CND69. Argentina, with only one abstention, consistently aligned its decisions with those of the U.S. This stood out to me as a noteworthy and insightful example of advocacy in action.

The U.S. government’s proposal for removal, introduced as item 9, sparked extensive debate, highlighting the tensions among global interest groups. While the EU and its allies firmly opposed the proposal, it found support from the U.S., China, Russia, Iran, and Argentina. This clearly underscored a significant fault line between the states. The issue exposed weaknesses in the decision making, as the EU and its allies secured a majority in the vote due to their numerical advantage, despite not representing the relative population proportion. This outcome led to frustration among the other member states, as they also asserted their sovereignty of interpretation.

In my view, fostering greater cohesion in the future clearly requires institutional reforms, which can be achieved through further democratization.

Those are my findings of the CND 68. I hope you enjoyed the reading. Check out the pictures and stay alert for future updates on my work as ECOSOC consultant for PPI at United Nations.

For more in-depth information about the event, you can explore the CND Blog for live updates from the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs or visit the official page for the 68th Session of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs.

CND Blog – Live reporting from the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs

Session 68 of the Commission on Narcotic Drugs.

pp-international.net/2025/03/u…