Di Esther Solomon, caporedattrice della versione inglese di Haaretz (quotidiano israeliano)
Esther Solomon, Editor-in-chief, Haaretz English
This week, Israelis woke up to war again, but this time not to the Hamas surprise attack of October 7 but to a conscious decision by their government to restart fighting, against the will of the popular majority, which consistently favors an end to the war and the return of all the hostages. This same week, the Netanyahu government intensified its battles on two other fronts as well: its war on Israeli democracy, and its war on Diaspora Jews.
Prime Minister Netanyahu is baldly exhibiting his 'vision' for the character of his own regime and the principles that govern the Israeli state's behavior at home and abroad. It is a vision that is genuinely revolutionary, in that it rips up and shreds into confetti most of the fundamental values and social contracts that bind the state to its citizens, and the state to the Jewish people outside its borders.
With the Trump administration's backing, but to the consternation of most of the rest of the international community, IDF airstrikes are now raining down on Gaza again. Netanyahu's ministers are using bloodcurdling language, directed at the whole population of Gaza, and not only Hamas.
The declared premise for breaking the cease-fire โ that extreme military pressure will force Hamas into capitulation, and will lead to hostages being released alive โ is false and illogical. Sixteen months of war has shown that only negotiations bring back significant numbers of hostages alive, that airstrikes kill them, and Hamas, which has repopulated its ranks, has no pangs of conscience to fight to the last Gazan. As Einav Zangauker, warrior mother of hostage Matan, said: "Netanyahu has opened the gates of hell not on Hamas, but on our loved ones."
The real reason for resuming war is to satiate the annexationist warlust of the far right, and win the prime minister more time in power. And both of those reasons factor into the resurgence-on-steroids of the government's judicial coup, now honed to take out the Shin Bet head and the Attorney General, the key remaining gatekeepers of democracy and the rule of law.
There's an urgency to Netanyahu's call to rid himself of these troublesome officials, and it's called Qatargate: the rolling scandal of close aides to Netanyahu allegedly being paid by Doha for positive PR during the war, in which the Shin Bet is a lead investigative agency. In true Trumpist style, and with a nod to his fellow White House populists, Netanyahu took to social media to accuse the "leftist deep state" of conspiring to weaponize the justice system to bring down the right-wing government.
This week there were also dramatic developments in the third front: How the government understands its relationship with Diaspora Jews. Amichai Chikli, the minister in charge of Diaspora relations and Israel's antisemitism czar, is organizing a "combating antisemitism" conference stuffed with representatives of European far-right parties whose antisemitic, neo-Nazi, illiberal record is either a fact of their founding and/or an everyday feature of their activists' rhetoric.
It was an ambush for the high-profile representatives of U.S. and European Jewish communities also invited to attend: To show solidarity with Israel at the cost of their own values and safety. One by one, they have cancelled, from the U.K.'s Chief Rabbi to the head of the ADL: Even Israel's President refused to host the far-right politicians. These are rare, brave moves that may well be a milestone in the breakdown of Israel-Diaspora relations, a sign of how infuriated Diaspora Jews are and how arrogant, cynical and fanatic the Israeli government.
Netanyahu's wars have terrible human costs, but they are also designed to reshape language and the space for dissent. To jumpstart the cease-fire, make war. To save the hostages, bomb them. To save democracy, institute autocracy. To confront antisemitism, welcome antisemites.
Despite their deep fatigue, most Israelis aren't buying it. Forty thousand turned out to protest in Tel Aviv on Tuesday; thousands more in Jerusalem the next day. But Netanyahu has formidable weapons at his disposal, and there is no cease-fire pending for the wars outside and inside Israel's borders.
Maurizio
in reply to Max - Poliverso ๐ช๐บ๐ฎ๐น • •2 il tarlo se c'era resta murato dentro fino a che muore.
Quando hai finito il trattamento su tutto il mobile avrai un Novello San Sebastiano..
A quel punto con una lametta o con un cutter tagli tutti gli stuzzicadenti in maniera da tappare il foro a livello, in funzione del colore del mobile passerai qualcosa per mascherare l'esistenza degli stuzzicadenti e quindi darai un prodotto a finitura.
Buon lavoro
Max - Poliverso ๐ช๐บ๐ฎ๐น
in reply to Maurizio • •@maurizio
Ti ringrazio molto.
Purtroppo non vedo buchi... ripasserรฒ con una lente di ingrandimento ma possibile che siano cosรฌ piccoli da essere invisibili?
Ho perlustrato gli interni e la parte superiore, le pareti esterne non ancora in maniera approfondita ma sono trattate e ho pensato che se fossi stato un tarlo avrei preferito entrare dall'alto, dove c'รจ il legno piรน grezzo, non trattato.
A dire il vero all'interno ci sono buchi ma sono fori fatti ad hoc, hanno un diametro da 5mm, una volta c'erano delle viti che tenevano qualcosa poi รจ stato smontato il "qualcosa" e sono rimasti i buchi. Sono anche quelli buchi a rischio?