#CyberSecurity
securebulletin.com/roundcube-p…
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A newly disclosed exploit chain in Microsoft System Center Configuration Manager, tracked as CVE-2026-47301, lets a standard Active Directory user achieve remote code execution as SYSTEM on the primary site server — no admin rights or user interactio…dark6 (Secure Bulletin)
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Il filesystem /proc su Linux: la guida completa per il troubleshooting da sistemista
#tech
spcnet.it/il-filesystem-proc-s…
@informatica
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Crittografia post-quantistica: perché il threat modeling non può più aspettare (con esempi in .NET 10)
#tech
spcnet.it/crittografia-post-qu…
@informatica
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✨ DragonDoll: lo spyware Android che si finge un aggiornamento Chrome e legge Telegram, WhatsApp e Signal in 26 Paesi
#CyberSecurity
insicurezzadigitale.com/dragon…
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Absurde Entscheidung: Kartellamt verpflichtet Apple zu manipulativem Design
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
Wer ein Apple-Gerät hatte, wurde in der Vergangenheit recht gut vor dem Zugriff der Werbebranche gewarnt. Nach einem auch von deutschen Zeitungsverlagen angestrengten Verfahren beim Kartellamt wird der Schutz nun verwässert – mit klaren Nachteilen für die Nutzer:innen. Ein Kommentar.
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Di seguito il post pubblicato oggi dal Partito pirata europeo Qualcuno una volta ha passato una serata a scegliere l’ordine di dodici canzoni, ha scritto a mano i titoli sul foglietto illustrativo e ha dato la cassetta a una persona che sperava di impressionare. Era una copia. Era stata fatta senza chiedere il permesso a nessuno. In gran parte d’Europa, inoltre, rientrava a pieno titolo in un’…
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Perché i Pirati vogliono una riforma del diritto d'autore
Dal dibattito sulle cassette al digitale: quando i lucchetti tecnologici e i filtri di rete scavalcano i diritti d'uso e la libertà degli utenti diventa obbligatorio reagire
pirati.io/2026/08/perche-i-pir…
Dal dibattito sulle cassette al digitale: quando i lucchetti tecnologici e i filtri di rete scavalcano i diritti d’uso e la libertà degli utenti diventa obbligatorio reagire…macfranc (Pirati.io)
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🕶️ Metas KI-Brillen stehen wegen weitreichender Datenschutzbedenken immer öfter in der Öffentlichkeit. 📺 noyb-Datenschutzjurist Felix Mikolasch hat mit dem ORF über die Risiken und Gefahren gesprochen:
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Stell dir vor: Jemand filmt dich – und du merkst nichts. Kamerabrillen bedrohen unsere Privatsphäre. Fordere klare Grenzen! Jetzt unterzeichnen ✍️WeAct
Meine Atmung fühlte sich beim Lesen eingeengt an, vlt. weil ich zwischendrin die Luft angehalten habe.
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Für alle, die noch im Ferienmodus sind: Es ist wieder #DNIPBriefing-Dienstag! (Und auch für alle anderen, BTW)
1️⃣ Um Video-Überwachung (und ob man sich mit entsprechender Kleidung dagegen schützen kann) ging es schon im Briefing von letzter Woche. Dabei kamen wir zum Schluss, dass man sich nicht auf diesen Schutz verlassen sollte, da keine systematischen Tests bekannt sind und es viele unterschiedliche Überwachungs-Technologie mit unterschiedlichen Eigenschaften gibt.
dnip.ch/2026/08/18/dnip-briefi…
Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute u. a. mit Überwachung undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Sie kloppen sich nach Regieanweisungen: 2.000 Filme hat die Mannheimer Polizei bereits produziert, um eine Software zur Verhaltenserkennung zu trainieren. Künftig sollen es 10.Constanze (netzpolitik.org)
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Nur mit handfesten, technologischen und rechtlichen Schranken können wir den Ausverkauf unserer Privatsphäre stoppen!Digitale Gesellschaft
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Die Organisation HateAid hat Strafanzeige gegen Meta und mehrere Optik-Ketten eingereicht. Die Smart Glasses sollen gegen das TDDDG verstoßen.Nico Jurran (heise online)
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Ein Jura-Student hat eine „smarte Puppe“ untersucht und sie als verbotene Sendeanlage eingestuft. Diese Ansicht teilt nun auch die Bundesnetzagentur und verbietet das Spielzeug. Eltern müssen es sogar vernichten, um sich nicht strafbar zu machen.Markus Reuter (netzpolitik.org)
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Smart Glasses können Menschen unbemerkt filmen. Besonders Frauen und Kinder brauchen Schutz. Fordere jetzt mit uns ein Verkaufsverbot in der Schweiz.ACT by Campax
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Apple is working on camera-equipped AirPods that appear to be nearly ready to launch, based on a video MacRumors found in the macOS Tahoe 26.7 release candidate. In a short demo, a man holds a book up so the camera in the AirPods can see the title.Juli Clover (MacRumors)
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Why you’re getting emails about “Your Beauty and Electronics items”Mia Sato (The Verge)
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Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute u. a. mit Überwachung undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Vor einem Monat habe ich über das Missbrauchspotenzial bei "Programmatic Advertising" geschrieben. Dabei zeigte ich wie sich Propaganda- undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute u. a. mit europäischen Socialavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Diese Vermutung wurde inzwischen bestätigt. 404 Media hat einer dieser Bücher-Grosslieferungen eine Apple AirTag untergejubelt, mit dem sie die Buchlieferung quer durch die USA und zurück verfolgen konnten (Paywall). Die Lieferung landete ironischerweise im gleichen Amazon-Gebäudekomplex in Las Vegas, in dem auch Bücher On-Demand gedruckt werden. Nur, dass mit diesen angelieferten Büchern so ziemlich genau das Umgekehrte passiert.
404media.co/we-tracked-a-shipm…
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In internen Foren wurde die Arbeit als für Amazon-Verhältnisse vergleichsweise stressfrei beschrieben, wie 404 Media berichtet. Die Mitarbeitenden dort würden die Bücher aufschneiden und zuerst die ISBN-Barcodes, später die Seiteninhalte scannen.
Im Artikel wird vermutet, dass vor allem Bücher vor 2022 aufgekauft würden, da diese garantiert ohne LLM generiert worden seien.
Ob Amazon auch Bücher aufkauft, die zuvor im gleichen Gebäude gedruckt wurden, ist nicht bekannt.
dnip.ch/2026/08/18/dnip-briefi…
Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute u. a. mit Überwachung undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Werbefirmen und Zeitungsverlagen war Apples Tracking-Schutz für iPhones schon lange ein Dorn im Auge. Nun hat das Kartellamt entschieden, dass der Konzern das System deutlich anpassen muss.Ingo Dachwitz (netzpolitik.org)
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Geklagt hatten deutsche Werbe- und Zeitungsverbände. Einer der Klagepunkte betrifft die Ungleichbehandlung von Apple und Drittparteien in Apples App Tracking Transparency Framework (ATTF), der definitiv in die Zuständigkeit einer Wettbewerbsbehörde fällt.
Das Bundeskartellamt hat aber auch entschieden, dass die App-Tracking-Anbieter neu 4000 Zeichen Platz im Tracking-Ja/Nein-Dialog bekommen sollen, um die Vorteile von personalisierter Werbung und Tracking zu erklären.
dnip.ch/2026/08/18/dnip-briefi…
Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute u. a. mit Überwachung undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Das Wort „Tracking“ darf Apple übrigens in dem Zusammenhang nicht mehr verwenden.
Dabei dürfte es zumindest unseren Leser:innen durchaus geläufig sein, dass die Datensammelei mit Datenschutzrisiken verbunden ist. Die Daten bleiben nämlich nicht bei den App-Anbietern, die Interessen und Standortdaten der Nutzer:innen werden fleissig und oft unkontrolliert erfasst und weitergegeben.
dnip.ch/2025/12/16/dnip-briefi…
Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute mit Blasen, Bildung, Babys undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Das Wort „Tracking“ darf Apple übrigens in dem Zusammenhang nicht mehr verwenden.
Dabei dürfte es zumindest unseren Leser:innen durchaus geläufig sein, dass die Datensammelei mit Datenschutzrisiken verbunden ist. Die Daten bleiben nämlich nicht bei den App-Anbietern, die Interessen und Standortdaten der Nutzer:innen werden fleissig und oft unkontrolliert erfasst und weitergegeben.
Die Redaktion präsentiert jeden Dienstag die Geschichten, die sie bewegt, aufgerüttelt oder zum Nachdenken angeregt hat. Heute mit Blasen, Bildung, Babys undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Future Claude models will generate text that contains a watermark. This is a way of determining the likelihood that Claude was involved in writing the text, and we, along with several other major AI providers, are implementing this change to comply w…www.anthropic.com
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A gentle visual guide to how a statistical mark hides inside generated text, and what erases it.declaude
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ChatGPT ist wohl das zur Zeit mächtigste Künstliche-Intelligenz-Sprachmodell. Wir schauen etwas hinter die Kulissen, wie das "large language model" GPT-3 undavongunten (Das Netz ist politisch)
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Nach drei Jahrzehnten an den Knotenpunkten des Netzes warnt Klaus Landefeld vor einer ausufernden Überwachung durch atomisierte, immer weiter reichende Gesetze.heise online
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Überwachung und Vorratsdatenspeicherung sind Themen, in dem auch aktuell in der Schweiz die Digitale Gesellschaft @digiges wieder aktiv ist.
#Überwachung #Vorratsdatenspeicherung #QuickFreeze
digitale-gesellschaft.ch/quick…
Die Vorratsdatenspeicherung ist grundrechtswidrig, mit «Quick Freeze» stünde eine Alternative zur Verfügung. Um «Quick Freeze» durchzusetzen, konnten wir mit eurer Hilfe 25'500 Franken sammeln. Vielen Dank!Digitale Gesellschaft
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WLAN-Geräte liefern dem Router mehrmals in der Sekunde Daten über Signalabschwächungen und Störelemente. Mit diesen Infos lassen sich Passanten wiedererkennen.c't Magazin
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Someone once spent an evening choosing the order of twelve songs, wrote the titles on the paper insert by hand, and gave the cassette to a person they were hoping to impress. It was a copy. It was made without asking anyone. Across much of Europe it also fell squarely within an exception that lawmakers had gone out of their way to create.
That was not an oversight. Germany wrote a private copying exception into its Copyright Act in 1965 and paid for it with a levy on recording equipment and blank media. Most of continental Europe followed the same model, and the arrangement was eventually carried into EU law as the private copying exception in Article 5(2)(b) of the InfoSoc Directive — the 2001 law that still governs copyright across the European Union. Rightsholders were compensated. Nobody had to be watched.
The record industry campaigned against it anyway. “Home taping is killing music” was the British Phonographic Industry’s slogan from 1981, printed on record sleeves under a skull-and-crossbones. It is worth noticing what that campaign did with language: an act that European lawmakers had deliberately permitted, and for which artists were already being paid through the levy, was described as killing. The framing arrived two decades before file-sharing became a mass phenomenon — the first clue that the argument was never really about the copying.
Europe and the United States faced the same question in the cassette era and answered it in opposite ways.
Europe legalised the copying and paid for it collectively. Levies on recording equipment and blank media flow through collecting societies to authors, performers, publishers and visual artists. According to the global study published by the collecting societies themselves, the system now operates in 31 European countries against four in the whole of the Americas, generates over €1 billion a year worldwide, and costs each consumer between €1.14 and €3.19 annually. In more than twenty countries part of the money funds social and cultural programmes — training, pensions, support for emerging artists — which is why this is better understood as social infrastructure than as a tax. The Court of Justice has held that up to half of such compensation may be directed to those institutions. And the study describes the defining feature of the whole arrangement in a single phrase: the money reaches creators “without monitoring individual users.”
The system has real critics. Europe’s technology industry argues that levies are an outdated instrument that charges buyers for copies many of them never make, applied through tariffs that vary widely and unpredictably between Member States. That is a fair objection to how the levy is calculated. It is not an argument against the principle underneath it.
The United States built nothing comparable. Its Audio Home Recording Act of 1992 did create a royalty, but only on dedicated digital audio recording devices — and when the recording industry tried to apply it to the first MP3 players, the Ninth Circuit held in RIAA v. Diamond Multimedia (1999) that the Rio was not such a device, because it merely made portable what was already on a computer’s hard drive. General-purpose computers fell outside the scheme, and the scheme never recovered. One comparison put annual private copying payments at $1.2 billion in the EU against roughly $1 million in the United States.
With no mechanism to compensate for copying, there was nothing to offer in exchange for permitting it. The American answer to home copying could only be to prevent it. That answer was written into the WIPO Copyright Treaty in 1996, into the Digital Millennium Copyright Act in 1998, and then into European law in the InfoSoc Directive of 2001 — the very directive that codified the private copying exception. Europe kept its levy and imported the lock in the same instrument.
Europeans consequently pay twice. The levy is charged on the device on the assumption that private copies will be made. The DRM on the file then prevents the copy the levy has already paid for.
Canada shows where that combination ends. It adopted the European model in 1997, with a private copying exception for music funded by a levy — but the statute named media rather than devices. When the Copyright Board extended the tariff to the memory inside MP3 players, the Federal Court of Appeal struck it down for want of authority, and the Supreme Court declined to intervene. The levy stayed on blank CDs while the copying moved to phones, and receipts fell from C$38 million in 2004 to C$1.1 million in 2019. Canada then implemented the anti-circumvention rules in 2012 regardless, alongside a set of user exceptions more generous than anything in EU law — format-shifting, backup, and a non-commercial remix exception Europe still lacks — all of which the digital locks override. The lesson is worth stating precisely: the Canadian levy did not fail because collective compensation does not work. It failed because a statute written around cassettes was never rewritten.
The companies that came to operate the distribution layer grew up under the American rule set rather than the European one. Apple’s iTunes Store, Amazon’s Kindle, Google’s YouTube, Netflix and Steam determine the terms on which most Europeans now reach music, books, film and games, with Spotify the notable European exception. The safe harbour that made platforms built on user uploads commercially viable was an American design. Europe’s eventual answer, Article 17, imposes filtering costs — Google says it has invested over $100 million in Content ID alone — that in practice only the largest incumbents can absorb.
Meanwhile the European mechanism erodes. Levy collections across 32 countries have been broadly flat in cash terms since 2017 and have fallen in real terms, because the copying has moved to streaming, where the exception, and the payment attached to it, does not clearly reach.
Buy a paperback and it is yours. Resell it, lend it, give it away, leave it to someone in a will — copyright does not stand in the way, because the right to control distribution of that copy is exhausted by the first authorised sale. This is not a loophole. Exhaustion is the mechanism that makes libraries, second-hand shops and gifts possible.
Buy the same book as an e-book and none of it holds. In Tom Kabinet (C-263/18, 19 December 2019), the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that supplying an e-book for permanent download is not “distribution” at all but “communication to the public” — a right that is never exhausted. A second-hand market in e-books is therefore unlawful without the publisher’s permission. The Court had reached the opposite conclusion for downloaded software seven years earlier, in UsedSoft (C-128/11), which tells us the distinction is a policy choice rather than a fact of nature.
No piracy is involved anywhere in this. A reader who paid full price cannot pass the book on. What was removed was not an unauthorised act but an ordinary one.
The private copying exception still exists on paper. Exercising it is another matter.
The anti-circumvention rules imported in 2001 make it unlawful to defeat a technological protection measure — the family of access controls usually called DRM. Article 6(4) was meant to be the safety valve between the two halves of the directive: Member States should ensure that people can still benefit from certain exceptions even when a work is locked. In practice it applies to a closed list of exceptions, leaves the remedy to national procedures that most Member States never built, and offers nothing at all where a work is streamed on demand.
The result is a right that cannot be exercised. The lock wins, and the lock does not distinguish between an infringing copy and a lawful one — it cannot, because it does not know what the user intends.
Portugal is the exception that proves the point. Law 36/2017 permits circumvention where the purpose is to exercise a lawful exception, and forbids DRM on public domain works and on works funded by public money. Campaigners there needed fifteen years to win a right that the Directive had always claimed to guarantee.
Article 17 of the 2019 Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive made large platforms liable for what their users upload unless they make best efforts to prevent it. It was argued for as a fix to the “value gap” between what platforms earn and what rightsholders receive. What it requires in practice is automated inspection of everything anyone posts.
The Court of Justice upheld the provision in Poland v Parliament and Council (C-401/19, 26 April 2022), but not in the form several governments wanted. It rejected the argument that content could be blocked systematically at upload so long as users could appeal afterwards, and held that safeguards must operate before blocking, not after. A filter that cannot tell a quotation from an infringement may not be deployed as though it can.
That judgment is a genuine win for user rights. It is also an admission about the mechanism: the default behaviour of automated enforcement is to remove lawful speech, and it took the EU’s highest court to say so.
The clearest case is the one currently on the table.
The European citizens’ initiative “Stop Destroying Videogames” was submitted to the Commission on 26 January 2026with 1,294,188 verified signatures. It asked for something modest: that a game sold to the public should be left in a playable state when the publisher stops supporting it. On 16 June 2026 the Commission replied that it cannot at this stage propose such an obligation, and offered instead to convene the industry on a voluntary code of conduct by the end of 2026.
The background to that request is Ubisoft’s racing game The Crew, delisted in December 2023 and switched off three months later. Buyers then found their licences revoked outright. In the litigation that followed — including a case brought by the French consumer association UFC-Que Choisir — Ubisoft’s defence was that customers had never bought a copy at all, only a limited licence to access a service.
That defence is legally coherent, and that is precisely the problem. When the transaction is a licence rather than a copy, there is nothing to lend, resell, archive or hand to anyone. The unmonitored exchange of culture between people does not have to be prohibited. It simply has nothing left to move.
It deserves stating properly. Creators need income, and an unlimited right to copy and redistribute commercially would remove the market that pays them. Rightsholders cannot realistically police millions of individual users, so building enforcement into infrastructure is a rational response to a real problem. Licensed streaming has been a genuine success on its own terms: cheap, legal and convenient, and its defenders can fairly point out that it did more to draw people away from unauthorised downloading than a decade of lawsuits ever managed.
None of that is in dispute. The question is what the mechanisms actually deliver.
Extending the term of protection for sound recordings from 50 to 70 years, as the EU did in 2011, prevents no unauthorised copying whatsoever — it can only extend control over recordings that already exist. A study prepared for the European Parliament sets out the recurring criticism: the benefit falls mainly to labels and a small number of successful performers, while ordinary session musicians have little bargaining power over the contracts that determine what reaches them. The levy that paid for the mixtape paid artists directly. Digital rights management, upload filters and licence-only distribution do not pay them more; they change who decides on what terms a work reaches the public.
That is the reform question. Not whether creators should be paid — they should, and better than they currently are — but who holds the switch.
The European Pirates’ programme states the position directly:
Four further steps follow from the mechanisms described above, and are where the argument now runs. A right to circumvent DRM where the purpose is a lawful one, together with a ban on DRM applied to public domain works and works funded from public money, on the Portuguese model. Digital exhaustion, so that a purchased digital copy can be resold, lent, given away and inherited like its physical equivalent. An end-of-life duty, so that a work withdrawn from sale is left usable rather than switched off — the ask that 1.29 million Europeans have already signed. And a collective compensation mechanism that survives the shift away from physical media, because the European alternative to controlling users was always to pay creators without watching them, and that half of the bargain is the half currently being allowed to lapse.
Some of this is live now. The Commission’s Digital Fairness Act, expected in the second half of 2026, is where the question of what a consumer actually owns when they buy something digital will next be argued.
The mixtape was not a legal grey area that technology happened to close. It was a settled European compromise, and a deliberate one: culture could move between people without permission and without a record, and creators were paid for it through a mechanism that required watching nobody. Europe had built the thing the digital debate is still said to be searching for — a way to pay creators that does not depend on controlling what individuals do with what they own.
Then it adopted, on top of that mechanism, a legal architecture designed elsewhere for a country that had never built one. Every measure since has chipped away at one half of the European compromise while leaving the other half unimproved, and the half that erodes is the one that pays artists. Pirates want copyright reform not because copying should be free of consequence, but because a law written to reward authors has been rebuilt, piece by piece, into a system for deciding who may hand what to whom — and that is a different thing entirely.
Read more on our position, to support the review of the 2019 Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive in the light of the even more modern advances in technology, below.
Consultation Feedback on CDSM – European PiratesDownload
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Someone once spent an evening choosing the order of twelve songs, wrote the titles on the paper insert by hand, and gave the cassette to a person they were hoping to impress. It was a copy. It was made without asking anyone. Across much of Europe it also fell squarely within an exception that lawmakers had gone out of their way to create.
That was not an oversight. Germany wrote a private copying exception into its Copyright Act in 1965 and paid for it with a levy on recording equipment and blank media. Most of continental Europe followed the same model, and the arrangement was eventually carried into EU law as the private copying exception in Article 5(2)(b) of the InfoSoc Directive — the 2001 law that still governs copyright across the European Union. Rightsholders were compensated. Nobody had to be watched.
The record industry campaigned against it anyway. “Home taping is killing music” was the British Phonographic Industry’s slogan from 1981, printed on record sleeves under a skull-and-crossbones. It is worth noticing what that campaign did with language: an act that European lawmakers had deliberately permitted, and for which artists were already being paid through the levy, was described as killing. The framing arrived two decades before file-sharing became a mass phenomenon — the first clue that the argument was never really about the copying.
Europe and the United States faced the same question in the cassette era and answered it in opposite ways.
Europe legalised the copying and paid for it collectively. Levies on recording equipment and blank media flow through collecting societies to authors, performers, publishers and visual artists. According to the global study published by the collecting societies themselves, the system now operates in 31 European countries against four in the whole of the Americas, generates over €1 billion a year worldwide, and costs each consumer between €1.14 and €3.19 annually. In more than twenty countries part of the money funds social and cultural programmes — training, pensions, support for emerging artists — which is why this is better understood as social infrastructure than as a tax. The Court of Justice has held that up to half of such compensation may be directed to those institutions. And the study describes the defining feature of the whole arrangement in a single phrase: the money reaches creators “without monitoring individual users.”
The system has real critics. Europe’s technology industry argues that levies are an outdated instrument that charges buyers for copies many of them never make, applied through tariffs that vary widely and unpredictably between Member States. That is a fair objection to how the levy is calculated. It is not an argument against the principle underneath it.
The United States built nothing comparable. Its Audio Home Recording Act of 1992 did create a royalty, but only on dedicated digital audio recording devices — and when the recording industry tried to apply it to the first MP3 players, the Ninth Circuit held in RIAA v. Diamond Multimedia (1999) that the Rio was not such a device, because it merely made portable what was already on a computer’s hard drive. General-purpose computers fell outside the scheme, and the scheme never recovered. One comparison put annual private copying payments at $1.2 billion in the EU against roughly $1 million in the United States.
With no mechanism to compensate for copying, there was nothing to offer in exchange for permitting it. The American answer to home copying could only be to prevent it. That answer was written into the WIPO Copyright Treaty in 1996, into the Digital Millennium Copyright Act in 1998, and then into European law in the InfoSoc Directive of 2001 — the very directive that codified the private copying exception. Europe kept its levy and imported the lock in the same instrument.
Europeans consequently pay twice. The levy is charged on the device on the assumption that private copies will be made. The DRM on the file then prevents the copy the levy has already paid for.
Canada shows where that combination ends. It adopted the European model in 1997, with a private copying exception for music funded by a levy — but the statute named media rather than devices. When the Copyright Board extended the tariff to the memory inside MP3 players, the Federal Court of Appeal struck it down for want of authority, and the Supreme Court declined to intervene. The levy stayed on blank CDs while the copying moved to phones, and receipts fell from C$38 million in 2004 to C$1.1 million in 2019. Canada then implemented the anti-circumvention rules in 2012 regardless, alongside a set of user exceptions more generous than anything in EU law — format-shifting, backup, and a non-commercial remix exception Europe still lacks — all of which the digital locks override. The lesson is worth stating precisely: the Canadian levy did not fail because collective compensation does not work. It failed because a statute written around cassettes was never rewritten.
The companies that came to operate the distribution layer grew up under the American rule set rather than the European one. Apple’s iTunes Store, Amazon’s Kindle, Google’s YouTube, Netflix and Steam determine the terms on which most Europeans now reach music, books, film and games, with Spotify the notable European exception. The safe harbour that made platforms built on user uploads commercially viable was an American design. Europe’s eventual answer, Article 17, imposes filtering costs — Google says it has invested over $100 million in Content ID alone — that in practice only the largest incumbents can absorb.
Meanwhile the European mechanism erodes. Levy collections across 32 countries have been broadly flat in cash terms since 2017 and have fallen in real terms, because the copying has moved to streaming, where the exception, and the payment attached to it, does not clearly reach.
Buy a paperback and it is yours. Resell it, lend it, give it away, leave it to someone in a will — copyright does not stand in the way, because the right to control distribution of that copy is exhausted by the first authorised sale. This is not a loophole. Exhaustion is the mechanism that makes libraries, second-hand shops and gifts possible.
Buy the same book as an e-book and none of it holds. In Tom Kabinet (C-263/18, 19 December 2019), the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that supplying an e-book for permanent download is not “distribution” at all but “communication to the public” — a right that is never exhausted. A second-hand market in e-books is therefore unlawful without the publisher’s permission. The Court had reached the opposite conclusion for downloaded software seven years earlier, in UsedSoft (C-128/11), which tells us the distinction is a policy choice rather than a fact of nature.
No piracy is involved anywhere in this. A reader who paid full price cannot pass the book on. What was removed was not an unauthorised act but an ordinary one.
The private copying exception still exists on paper. Exercising it is another matter.
The anti-circumvention rules imported in 2001 make it unlawful to defeat a technological protection measure — the family of access controls usually called DRM. Article 6(4) was meant to be the safety valve between the two halves of the directive: Member States should ensure that people can still benefit from certain exceptions even when a work is locked. In practice it applies to a closed list of exceptions, leaves the remedy to national procedures that most Member States never built, and offers nothing at all where a work is streamed on demand.
The result is a right that cannot be exercised. The lock wins, and the lock does not distinguish between an infringing copy and a lawful one — it cannot, because it does not know what the user intends.
Portugal is the exception that proves the point. Law 36/2017 permits circumvention where the purpose is to exercise a lawful exception, and forbids DRM on public domain works and on works funded by public money. Campaigners there needed fifteen years to win a right that the Directive had always claimed to guarantee.
Article 17 of the 2019 Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive made large platforms liable for what their users upload unless they make best efforts to prevent it. It was argued for as a fix to the “value gap” between what platforms earn and what rightsholders receive. What it requires in practice is automated inspection of everything anyone posts.
The Court of Justice upheld the provision in Poland v Parliament and Council (C-401/19, 26 April 2022), but not in the form several governments wanted. It rejected the argument that content could be blocked systematically at upload so long as users could appeal afterwards, and held that safeguards must operate before blocking, not after. A filter that cannot tell a quotation from an infringement may not be deployed as though it can.
That judgment is a genuine win for user rights. It is also an admission about the mechanism: the default behaviour of automated enforcement is to remove lawful speech, and it took the EU’s highest court to say so.
The clearest case is the one currently on the table.
The European citizens’ initiative “Stop Destroying Videogames” was submitted to the Commission on 26 January 2026with 1,294,188 verified signatures. It asked for something modest: that a game sold to the public should be left in a playable state when the publisher stops supporting it. On 16 June 2026 the Commission replied that it cannot at this stage propose such an obligation, and offered instead to convene the industry on a voluntary code of conduct by the end of 2026.
The background to that request is Ubisoft’s racing game The Crew, delisted in December 2023 and switched off three months later. Buyers then found their licences revoked outright. In the litigation that followed — including a case brought by the French consumer association UFC-Que Choisir — Ubisoft’s defence was that customers had never bought a copy at all, only a limited licence to access a service.
That defence is legally coherent, and that is precisely the problem. When the transaction is a licence rather than a copy, there is nothing to lend, resell, archive or hand to anyone. The unmonitored exchange of culture between people does not have to be prohibited. It simply has nothing left to move.
It deserves stating properly. Creators need income, and an unlimited right to copy and redistribute commercially would remove the market that pays them. Rightsholders cannot realistically police millions of individual users, so building enforcement into infrastructure is a rational response to a real problem. Licensed streaming has been a genuine success on its own terms: cheap, legal and convenient, and its defenders can fairly point out that it did more to draw people away from unauthorised downloading than a decade of lawsuits ever managed.
None of that is in dispute. The question is what the mechanisms actually deliver.
Extending the term of protection for sound recordings from 50 to 70 years, as the EU did in 2011, prevents no unauthorised copying whatsoever — it can only extend control over recordings that already exist. A study prepared for the European Parliament sets out the recurring criticism: the benefit falls mainly to labels and a small number of successful performers, while ordinary session musicians have little bargaining power over the contracts that determine what reaches them. The levy that paid for the mixtape paid artists directly. Digital rights management, upload filters and licence-only distribution do not pay them more; they change who decides on what terms a work reaches the public.
That is the reform question. Not whether creators should be paid — they should, and better than they currently are — but who holds the switch.
The European Pirates’ programme states the position directly:
Four further steps follow from the mechanisms described above, and are where the argument now runs. A right to circumvent DRM where the purpose is a lawful one, together with a ban on DRM applied to public domain works and works funded from public money, on the Portuguese model. Digital exhaustion, so that a purchased digital copy can be resold, lent, given away and inherited like its physical equivalent. An end-of-life duty, so that a work withdrawn from sale is left usable rather than switched off — the ask that 1.29 million Europeans have already signed. And a collective compensation mechanism that survives the shift away from physical media, because the European alternative to controlling users was always to pay creators without watching them, and that half of the bargain is the half currently being allowed to lapse.
Some of this is live now. The Commission’s Digital Fairness Act, expected in the second half of 2026, is where the question of what a consumer actually owns when they buy something digital will next be argued.
The mixtape was not a legal grey area that technology happened to close. It was a settled European compromise, and a deliberate one: culture could move between people without permission and without a record, and creators were paid for it through a mechanism that required watching nobody. Europe had built the thing the digital debate is still said to be searching for — a way to pay creators that does not depend on controlling what individuals do with what they own.
Then it adopted, on top of that mechanism, a legal architecture designed elsewhere for a country that had never built one. Every measure since has chipped away at one half of the European compromise while leaving the other half unimproved, and the half that erodes is the one that pays artists. Pirates want copyright reform not because copying should be free of consequence, but because a law written to reward authors has been rebuilt, piece by piece, into a system for deciding who may hand what to whom — and that is a different thing entirely.
Read more on our position, to support the review of the 2019 Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive in the light of the even more modern advances in technology, below.
Consultation Feedback on CDSM – European PiratesDownload
Education, Culture, Research & Free KnowledgeMikuláš (European Pirates)
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Polizei und Verfassungsschutz: Was bei einer Machtübernahme durch Rechtsextreme droht
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☕ CYBERBRIEFING MATTUTINO — Martedì 18 agosto 2026
👉 Leggi tutti gli aggiornamenti delle ultime 24 ore:
ilpuntocyber.rfeed.it/article.…
#newsletter #cybersecurity
@informatica
☕ CYBERBRIEFING MATTUTINO — Martedì 18 agosto 2026 Il tuo riassunto quotidiano di cybersecurity da leggere con il caffè. ● IN PRIMO PIANO SAP Commerce Cloud: falla con punteggio massimo (CVSS 10) già …Il Punto Cyber
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Every Thursday of the week, Bastian’s Night is broadcast from 21:30 CEST/DST.
Bastian’s Night is a live talk show in German with lots of music, a weekly round-up of news from around the world, and a glimpse into the host’s crazy week in the pirate movement.
If you want to read more about @BastianBB: –> This way
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
Invasati di Futuro Nazionale, nazisti e antisemiti nella chat
#PoliticalNotes
ilglobale.it/2026/08/invasati-…
@politica
ilGlobale - Quotidiano di informazione economica, politica e tecnologicawww.ilglobale.it
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ICYMI
Arizona – The latest AZPP meeting covered several key items: Jane Gardner stepped down as YPUSA representative due to workload, with the group thanking her for her service. The team spent most of the meeting reviewing and updating the bylaws (Version 3 now in the resources chat), and discussed fundraising needs for the write-in campaign and cutlass maps. They also talked about a possible 2027 PNC conference bid and building a Tucson itinerary for out-of-town members.
On the campaign side, yard signs need to be finalized soon (with Gloo Factory in Tucson as a leading option for premade signs), and Blase Henry’s No Kings Day Speech video ad is now live. Game Night got the green light after Twitch approval, with a possible first stream of AC4: Black Flag on Tuesday. The Phoenix event idea was tabled for next time, and outreach/committee work continues on PayloadCMS.
Financial – A financial policy and procedure was introduced by Ohio and unilaterally adopted. The document, among other things, commits the Treasurer to report the financial standings of the USPP to the board at least once a month.
Illinois – The Midlothian Village Board of Trustees campaign kicked off with an announcement on Friday, officially launching the first campaign since the 2022 attempt. This will also be the first race the ILPP have an invested interest in since the 2023 Chicago Mayoral Race, where the Chicagoland Pirate Party endorsed a slate of four candidates before the runoff. That announcement can be found here.
Pirate National Committee – The Pirate National Committee voted to cancel select upcoming meetings, all related to potential conflict with holiday and travel, through to the Pirate National Conference. That list of cancelled dates are as follows:
Historically, the Pirate National Conference has taken place the first weekend of June, meaning there will likely not be a meeting June 6th, 2027 (hey, that’s the U.S. Pirate Party’s 21st birthday!), but that is currently not an officially voted on cancellation.
Further cancellations regarding holidays will be discussed after a new board is elected during the 2027 Pirate National Conference.
Pirate National Conference – the 2027 Pirate National Conference location is currently being discussed, with an Etherpad created to answer any questions and hear all suggests Pirates and Pirate supporters might have for the conference. The favorites are currently Baltimore, Mobile and Tucson.
Vetting Committee – A Vetting Committee has been formed to properly vet any candidates seeking the endorsement of the Pirate National Committee and the United States Pirate Party. The Committee will be comprised of the Captain, Vice Captain, PR Director, a Captain Emeritus and two reps selected from PNC.
That’s all from last night! Or is it? Catch last night’s meeting here to find out.
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
August 17
During the August 16th Pirate National Committee meeting, it was voted on that the PNC would not meet on the following days:
Historically, the Pirate National Conference has taken place the first weekend of June, meaning there will likely not be a meeting June 6th, 2027 (hey, that’s the U.S. Pirate Party’s 21st birthday!), but that is currently not an officially voted on cancellation.
Further cancellations in regards to holidays will be discussed after a new board is elected during the 2027 Pirate National Conference.
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
Ah, der überall als harmlos und Vorzeige-CDUler gefeierte Herr Günther will also das schärfste Polizeigesetz, das Deutschland zu bieten hat. Wie überraschend, nicht.
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✨ CVSS 10 senza PoC pubblico: la corsa contro il tempo sulla falla critica di SAP Commerce Cloud
#CyberSecurity
insicurezzadigitale.com/cvss-1…
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Protest: Künstler verwirrt KI-Überwachung mit Hypnose-Shirt
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
Ein Künstler zeigt mit einem besonderen Hemd, wie automatische Videoüberwachung ausgetrickst werden kann. Es geht ihm dabei weniger um den Trick an sich, als um grundsätzliche Kritik an der invasiven und intransparenten Technologie.
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Erinnert mich zum einen hieran: adversarial-designs.shop/ Und andererseits hieran: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Computer… 😌
#Überwachung #Surveillance #CVdazzle #AdversarialDesigns #DigitalCamouflage #AdversarialPatterns
Lord Caramac the Clueless, KSC reshared this.
gibts auch bei nem Webshop in leipzig zu kaufen:
Das neue Polizeigesetz von Schleswig-Holstein soll eines der härtesten Deutschlands werden. Die Gruppe Freiheitsfoo analysiert es in einem 22seitigen Gutachten. Ihr Ergebnis: Der Entwurf ist eine Bedrohung für die Demokratie.Martin Schwarzbeck (netzpolitik.org)
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Das neue Polizeigesetz von Schleswig-Holstein soll eines der härtesten Deutschlands werden. Die Gruppe Freiheitsfoo analysiert es in einem 22seitigen Gutachten. Ihr Ergebnis: Der Entwurf ist eine Bedrohung für die Demokratie.Martin Schwarzbeck (netzpolitik.org)
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In Schleswig-Holstein regieren CDU und Grüne. Sie beide setzen diese rechtsextreme Politik um. Nur der CDU du Schuld zu geben, wie einige hier in den Kommentaren, ist Realitätsverleugnung.
Da spielt sicherlich auch mit rein, dass viele Grünen-Wähler/innen sich nicht eingestehen wollen, dass sie selbst so auf Wahlkampfversprechen und Selbstinszenierung Partei hereinfallen wie CDU-Wähler/innen.
Polizeigesetz Schleswig-Holstein: „Direkt aus dem Roman 1984“
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CVE-2026-55040: bypass di autenticazione in SharePoint sotto attacco attivo, ecco come proteggersi
#tech
spcnet.it/cve-2026-55040-bypas…
@informatica
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PHP-FPM in produzione: perché pm static batte dynamic e come calcolare pm.max_children
#tech
spcnet.it/php-fpm-in-produzion…
@informatica
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Bundeskartellamt: Apple muss Tracking-Schutz anpassen
Elezioni e Politica 2026 reshared this.
Microsoft is consolidating its consumer and business Copilot apps into a single Microsoft 365 Copilot experience, reachable from a unified m365.cloud.Microsoft address.dark6 (Secure Bulletin)
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Werbefirmen und Zeitungsverlagen war Apples Tracking-Schutz für iPhones schon lange ein Dorn im Auge. Nun hat das Kartellamt entschieden, dass der Konzern das System deutlich anpassen muss. Für Nutzer:innen bedeutet das wohl längere und kompliziertere Einwilligungs-Abfragen. Das Wort "Tracking" dürfen diese nicht mehr enthalten - weil es zu abschreckend sein könnte.
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Für mich wird hier der Teufel mit dem Beelzebub ausgetrieben:
Was Apple als "Dienst an einer exklusiven Kundschaft" vermarktet ist in erster Linie eins: proprietär und intransparent.
Denn über die Loyalität des Konzerns zu seinen Nutzenden kann man religiös streiten - und das Grundproblem übersehen:
In beiden Systemen sind die Nutzer:innen entmündigtes, ohnmächtiges Fußvolk - auch wenn Apple Narrative und Maßnahmen entwickelt hat, damit sich dessen Untertanen besser fühlen.
Energy giant Shell has activated its incident response process after the Cl0p extortion syndicate listed the company on its dark-web leak site, claiming to have stolen roughly 89GB of engineering documents and internal project files.dark6 (Secure Bulletin)
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Researchers found that macOS's Screen Sharing service kept its file-transfer helpers running as root even when a session was authenticated with nothing more than a shared VNC password. Apple has already shipped a fix in macOS Tahoe 26.dark6 (Secure Bulletin)
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Microsoft is moving to make passkeys the default sign-in method across Entra ID while permanently retiring native SMS and voice-based multi-factor authentication by February 2027.dark6 (Secure Bulletin)
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Die Linke Netzpolitik Baden-Württemberg
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •CAN. NOT. WAIT.
motorolanews.com/motorola-thre…
Ronny
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Jan D
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •@netzpolitik_feed
Clu | #RipNatenom 🕯
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Sollen allesamt zur Hölle fahren (bildlich gesprochen).
Stefan
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Ch M[ae][iy]e?r 🇪🇺 🤍 🇬🇱
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Hätte Apple die Chance gehabt, sein eigenes Tracking ebenso dar- und abzustellen, wie das der "App-Hersteller"?
Also mit dem Wort Tracking, in Warnfarbe, deutlich und dauerhaft?
Hier kann ich nur spekulieren, und das möchte ich nicht.
Es würde mich aber ernsthaft interessieren, ob Apple das Opfer ist, oder ob die Entscheidung in gewisser Weise nicht doch selbst gewählt ist. …
Und dann wäre es nach dem Kartellamt nun an den Datenschutzaufsichtsbehörden, ein anderes europäisches Gesetz ebenso deutlich durchzusetzen.
(Ich weiß, das wird nicht passieren. Und dann ist da ja noch die Sache mit der aufgeklärten, freiwilligen Einwilligung, durch die ja auch Staaten an die Überwachungsdaten kommen. …)
Ich finde es jedenfalls problematisch, dass Apple-Tracking einfach nicht (öffentlich) thematisiert wird, und sich die Kunden dann über den tollen, überlegenen Datenschutz freuen.
Und ich bin froh, dass es z.B. Debian gibt.
Oh No!
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Beides Schweinevereine, die uns regelmäßig verraten.
caneToad
in reply to netzpolitik.org • • •Auf Kartellbehörden oder die EU braucht niemand zu warten oder zu hoffen.
Mit dieser Erkenntnis gilt: Digitale Selbstverteidigung ist der einzige Weg aus dem Werbe-Irrsinn. Politik und Recht schützen uns nicht, also unterlauft, boykottiert, behindert und blockiert die Täter selber.
Es gibt viele Mittel und Wege, und sachkundige Menschen, die Dir dabei helfen. Aber wir kommen nicht darum, uns selbst Sachkunde zu erarbeiten, Hand anzulegen und uns gegen den Überwachungskapitalismus zu wehren. People before Business.
Big Tech boykottieren, und Menschen unterstützen, die Hilfe dabei brauchen. Wir müssen lernen, solidarische Netzbürger zu werden, und uns unsere digitale Freiheit zurückzuholen. Anderenfalls werden wir von den Konzernen eingeseift und scharf rasiert.