For decades, one organization has dedicated itself to protecting the rights of news photographers and videographers. The National Press Photographers Association has led countless First Amendment battles to protect visual journalists’ right to document and the public’s right to see and hear the news.

The organization’s general counsel, Mickey Osterreicher, is often at the forefront of those fights. He and NPPA have protected the First Amendment right to record in public, limited senseless government regulations restricting photography and recording, and even won a groundbreaking settlement with the New York Police Department over its treatment of journalists at protests.

But recently, NPPA announced that it faces financial difficulties. Freedom of the Press Foundation (FPF) spoke to Osterreicher about NPPA’s work and the impact on the First Amendment if it shutters. You can read our full conversation below, and you can donate to NPPA’s programs here.

You’ve been NPPA’s general counsel since 2005, and you’ve also been a news photographer. How have the legal issues facing visual journalists changed over the years, and what are the most pressing issues they face today?

Both from a practical and legal standpoint, being a journalist was a lot simpler when I was a photojournalist. One of the biggest challenges I now face is trying to answer the question from police and lawmakers, “Who is a journalist?” and, during a protest, “Who gets to stay after an order to disperse?”

But once those press access rights have been attained, what good is it if visual journalists cannot make a decent living after risking their health and safety because their images are being misappropriated without permission, credit, or compensation? So it is a combination of dealing with First Amendment and copyright issues that keeps me up most nights.

That is to say nothing of the exponential use of generative artificial intelligence that has economically impacted the market for news photography as well as creating ethical challenges for visual journalists and public perception.

Tell us more about how the rise of AI-generated images and deepfakes is affecting the work and rights of visual journalists.

For visual journalism, generative artificial intelligence is the worst of both worlds, where millions of images (still and video) are ingested to train AI models without payment to the creators and the public can no longer believe what they see without wondering if what they are viewing is a true depiction of what really happened or an artificially created image. Even worse, this technology now provides an additional layer of ambiguity to those who claim that actual images of real events are “fake news.”

You’ve trained many law enforcement officers about journalists’ First Amendment rights, especially when they’re covering political conventions and protests. What are the most important things for police officers to know about press freedom, and how is NPPA uniquely positioned to provide that training?

I have three goals when training police and journalists about press freedoms. One: that police are not sued for abridging First Amendment rights of citizens and journalists, costing taxpayers dearly with money that could be better spent for police recruitment and retention or equipment. Two: that journalists are able to do their jobs without being harassed, injured, or arrested. Three: that the public is informed, which is the basis for the First Amendment — that being the desire by the founding fathers for the right of the public to receive information, and be an informed electorate.

As “the voice of visual journalists” since 1946, NPPA is uniquely positioned to foster improved police-press-public relations in an era when it is most needed by instilling greater respect for the roles each plays in our democracy. We’ve provided these trainings to law enforcement agencies nationwide for almost 20 years, with scores of departments and hundreds of officers being trained, including the entire Minnesota State Patrol as part of the settlement terms of a federal civil rights lawsuit, as well as the start of training with the NYPD regarding the new policies and procedures implemented as a result of the settlement of our lawsuit.

“Should our voice be muted, its silence will be deafening.“

Mickey Osterreicher

What I believe also adds to NPPA’s credibility is my background as a photojournalist with over forty years’ experience in print and broadcast, my experience as a First Amendment attorney, and my understanding of the challenges facing law enforcement from having been a uniformed reserve deputy sheriff with the Erie County Sheriff’s Office since 1976 and working closely with law enforcement through various associations and committees.

That experience working with police departments — which not many press freedom organizations have — has also allowed you to get involved in many other issues that are important to all journalists, not just visual ones. Tell us about your work on police radio encryption and other ways you’re able to leverage the work you’ve done training police departments.

The encryption of police radio transmissions is a growing problem nationwide, because for almost a century, newsrooms and journalists have relied on the monitoring of those broadcasts to cover breaking news and other matters of public concern.

One place where such coverage is critical is New York City, where so many newsworthy events occur and where, because of the congested vehicle traffic, time is of the essence in getting to the scene. A few years ago, the NYPD announced that it would begin encrypting its transmissions. NPPA joined a consortium of news organizations asking to work with NYPD to allow journalists to continue to have real-time access to those broadcasts. Despite meeting with police officials, testifying before the city council and submitting a white paper on the subject, the NYPD has refused to discuss this issue further, and many of the important police frequencies have already been encrypted.

The consortium then supported a state bill that would allow for press access. That bill passed both houses and is awaiting the governor’s signature. NPPA has also worked with press groups around the country to address this issue.

Another problem we helped to solve was an exemption for journalists to a New York law that banned anyone in the state (except for certain “eligible professions”) from the “purchase, taking possession of, sale, exchange, giving or disposing of body armor.”

Additionally, NPPA was instrumental in opposing an Arizona bill that barred anyone recording police from getting closer than 15 feet to an officer without their permission. I drafted several letters to the legislature joined by 30 press organizations cautioning against the unconstitutionality of the proposed law, which was ultimately passed after the measure was amended to an 8-foot distance. I then worked with the American Civil Liberties Union and Arizona Broadcasters Association to obtain a permanent injunction prohibiting enforcement of the law. NPPA has also filed amicus briefs in two other constitutional challenges to similar laws in Indiana and Louisiana.

When the White House restricted the Associated Press’s access over its use of the term ‘Gulf of Mexico’ (a move that NPPA and FPF condemned), it raised concerns about the chilling effects of such retaliation on journalists. If presidents can exclude outlets or photographers from the press pool for editorial decisions, what does that mean for press freedom and the role of visual journalists?

As NPPA stated, such actions by the administration are unacceptable as both an attempt at prior restraint and a blatant retaliation and chilling abridgment of the First Amendment rights of the AP and its journalists.

Unfortunately, we have seen both the federal district court as well as the circuit court hearing the appeal in this case give wide latitude and discretion to the White House as to who it admits to cover certain events. Additional fallout from this has been the White House Correspondents Association losing its long-standing control over the press pool rotation as well as other “disfavored” media outlets being barred from inclusion in the pool.

All these actions taken by the administration are having a chilling effect on press coverage of the government and are eviscerating press freedom. The NPPA continues to work with news and press freedom organizations to advocate and support the right of the public to be informed.

Over the years, NPPA has had to oppose a number of laws that prohibit or limit taking pictures in public places as well as using drones to capture aerial footage. What should journalists do if they’re stopped and told they can’t take pictures or record in public?

Our staunch advocacy has led to the right to photograph and record in traditional public forums being “clearly established” in three-quarters of the U.S. Circuit Courts of Appeal, which is key to successfully bringing civil rights claims against those who try to limit or interfere with those rights.

While NPPA was initially successful in challenging Texas drone regulations, that decision was reversed on appeal. But we have been effective in ensuring that language protecting the First Amendment rights of journalists to use drones for newsgathering be included in government regulations.

NPPA has provided extensive training as to what journalists can do if they’re stopped and told they can’t take pictures or record in public. The foremost advice is to meet with law enforcement on a regular basis to ensure that these rights are honored by police and to discuss how best to improve police-press interactions. While in the field, it is crucial to maintain situational awareness and pay attention to police and crowd movements to avoid being encircled (kettled). Always have an exit strategy, as it is always better to move to a different location than be arrested. If police stop or question you about your activities, make sure to identify yourself as a journalist.

What will journalism lose if NPPA is forced to close its doors?

It would be a significant loss to not only visual journalists but to journalism itself if NPPA were to cease as an organization. For almost 80 years, NPPA has strongly advocated for the rights of visual journalists and now more than ever that unique voice is needed as more journalists are required to report not only with words but images. It also comes at a time when the importance of truthful images could not be greater.

While there are many other organizations supporting the First Amendment and press freedoms, none is more exclusively dedicated to the advancement and protection of visual journalism in its role as a vital public service than the NPPA. Our code of ethics is often cited as exemplary of what visual journalism should strive to achieve. Should our voice be muted, its silence will be deafening.

Donate to NPPA’s programs here to help protect the rights of visual journalists and the public’s right to know.

freedom.press/issues/the-leadi…

How to make doing laundry more smart, depending on your perspective. (Credit: Zerobrain, YouTube)
Ever since the invention of washing machines, the process of doing laundry has become rather straightforward. Simply toss the dirty laundry into the machine, fill up the detergent, and let the preset program handle the rest. This of course has not prevented companies from coming up with ways to add more complexity to doing laundry, with Henkel’s Smartwash technology the latest example, as demonstrated by German YouTube channel [ZeroBrain] with a complete teardown.

Henkel is the owner of detergent brands like Persil and Somat, with the Smartwash ball supposedly offering ‘smart’ dosing of detergent for washing machines, with naturally a smartphone app with intrusive localization to personalize the laundry experience. Sadly the video is only in German, but the language of teardowns is universal.

Before the teardown, the device got tested as intended, with the video showing how to put the detergent with its special pod inside the device. The device then got connected to WiFi, followed by it performing the typical IoT firmware update. After half an hour [Zerobrain] was finally ready to do the laundry. During the washing cycle the 441 gram heavy ball audibly bounced inside the machine, though the rubber outside covering should prevent damage.

The IP68-rated internals are clearly not designed to be easily opened, requiring a certain level of violence to correct for this oversight. Eventually the internals are revealed, showing the inductive charging coil, controls pad and main PCB, along with a pump for the double-chambered detergent pod and a bunch of sensors dangling at the end of flexible PCBs.
The Persil Smartwash fully disassembled. (Credit: Zerobrain, YouTube)
Interestingly, the heart of the main PCB is an ESP32-D0WD-V3, flanked by an ESP-PSRAMH 64 Mbit pseudo-static RAM. For charging the Li-ion cell a TP4056 is used, while a T3168 handles the wireless (Qi) power side of things. As for sensors, there are two Hall effect sensors that seem to be used to measure how much detergent and softener are being excreted by the pump.

What is fascinating is that it uses a single pump to pump both types of fluids independently from each other. There also appears to be a presence sensor to detect the presence of a pod, and some of the other ICs on the PCB may be an IMU to detect motion of the ball, but as hinted at in the accompanying app, you are still supposed to know the hardness of the local water supply and punch in the same details like laundry dirtiness that you’d normally read off the label on the detergent and softener packaging.

Thanks to [Jan Prägert] for the tip.

youtube.com/embed/Ko_5sd8PSFM?…

hackaday.com/2025/08/07/teardo…

For those living in the continental US who, for whatever reason, don’t have access to an NTP server or a GPS device, the next best way to make sure the correct time is known is with the WWVB radio signal. Transmitting out of Colorado, the 60-bit 1 Hz signal reaches all 48 states in the low-frequency band and is a great way to get a clock within a few hundred nanoseconds of the official time. But in high noise situations, particularly on the coasts or in populated areas these radio-based clocks might miss some of the updates. To keep that from happening [Mike] built a repeater for this radio signal.

The repeater works by offloading most of the radio components to an Arduino. The microcontroller listens to the WWVB signal and re-transmits it at a lower power to the immediate area, in this case no further than a few inches away or enough to synchronize a few wristwatches. But it has a much better antenna for listening to WWVB so this eliminates the (admittedly uncommon) problem of [Mike]’s watches not synchronizing at least once per day. WWVB broadcasts a PWM signal which is easy for an Arduino to duplicate, but this one needed help from a DRV8833 amplifier to generate a meaningfully strong radio signal.

Although there have been other similar projects oriented around the WWVB signal, [Mike]’s goal for this was to improve the range of these projects so it could sync more than a single timekeeping device at a time as well as using parts which are more readily available and which have a higher ease of use. We’d say he’s done a pretty good job here, and his build instructions cover almost everything even the most beginner breadboarders would need to know to duplicate it on their own.

hackaday.com/2025/08/07/a-repe…

La complessa infrastruttura della rete pubblicitaria fraudolenta VexTrio Viper è tornata alla ribalta dopo che i ricercatori di Infoblox hanno rivelato i dettagli di un massiccio schema di app mobile false .

Sotto le mentite spoglie di servizi legittimi – dalle VPN alle utility di pulizia della RAM, dai filtri antispam alle app di incontri – i truffatori hanno inserito programmi dannosi negli store ufficiali di Apple e Google. Questi programmi sono stati distribuiti per conto di presunti sviluppatori diversi, tra cui HolaCode, LocoMind, Hugmi, Klover Group e AlphaScale Media. Il numero totale di download ammonta a milioni.

Una volta installate, queste applicazioni costringevano gli utenti ad accettare condizioni poco trasparenti, li inducevano a fornire dati personali, bombardavano il dispositivo con pubblicità aggressive e ne rendevano difficile la disinstallazione. Ad esempio, un’applicazione chiamata Spam Shield Block, mascherata da antispam, richiedeva immediatamente il pagamento e, se l’utente rifiutava, rendeva insopportabile l’utilizzo del dispositivo a causa di inserti pubblicitari . Gli utenti si lamentavano di prezzi di abbonamento inaffidabili, addebiti multipli e l’impossibilità di disinstallazione: azioni chiaramente mirate al prelievo occulto di fondi.

Tuttavia, le app mobili sono solo la punta dell’iceberg. VexTrio gestisce una rete di attività fraudolente, tra cui sistemi di distribuzione del traffico (TDS) che reindirizzano gli utenti da siti hackerati a pagine false. Questi TDS erano camuffati tramite i cosiddetti smartlink, link intelligenti che rivelano l’indirizzo finale solo all’ultimo momento e si adattano alla vittima: alla sua posizione geografica, al tipo di dispositivo e al browser. Questo consente loro di aggirare i filtri e complica l’analisi da parte degli specialisti.

Il traffico diretto a queste trappole viene inizialmente generato attraverso siti WordPress hackerati, contenenti codice dannoso. I truffatori utilizzano questi siti per distribuire annunci pubblicitari falsi, dalle lotterie alle truffe sulle criptovalute.

È interessante notare che l’organizzazione controlla non solo la parte pubblicitaria, ma anche l’intera catena di distribuzione: invio di e-mail, elaborazione dei dati di pagamento e convalida degli indirizzi postali. Ad esempio, il servizio DataSnap verifica la validità delle e-mail e Pay Salsa riscuote i pagamenti. Lo spam e-mail viene inviato tramite domini falsi che sembrano servizi legittimi come SendGrid e MailGun.

Per nascondere i domini finali e aggirare i controlli, viene utilizzato il servizio IMKLO, che filtra il traffico in entrata e determina se mostrare una pagina ingannevole o nasconderla agli occhi dei controllori. Questa messa a punto rende la campagna praticamente impercettibile.

Gli autori del rapporto sottolineano che il successo di tali schemi è garantito non solo dalla sofisticatezza tecnica, ma anche da una zona grigia legale: i truffatori cercano di evitare virus diretti e azioni dannose, rimanendo nell’ambito dell’inganno e dell’ingegneria sociale, dove la responsabilità si verifica meno spesso.

Il problema principale di questa minaccia è la percezione di tali schemi come “meno pericolosi” delle infezioni da malware. Mentre l’attenzione pubblica è focalizzata su trojan ed exploit, le frodi di massa con abbonamenti, carte di credito e dati personali rimangono nell’ombra. Sviluppare la formazione nel campo dell’igiene digitale e riconsiderare l’atteggiamento nei confronti delle truffe “soft” è uno dei compiti chiave nella lotta contro crimini di questo tipo.

L'articolo Hai pagato per mesi una VPN che non ha fatto altro che spiarti proviene da il blog della sicurezza informatica.

Let’s say you want to build a Nixie clock. You could go out and find some tubes, source a good power supply design, start whipping up a PCB, and working on a custom enclosure. Or, you could skip all that, and just follow [Simon]’s example instead.

The trick to building a Nixie clock fast is quite simple — just get yourself a frequency counter that uses Nixie tubes for the display. [Simon] sourced a great example from American Machine and Foundry, also known as AMF, the company most commonly associated with America’s love of bowling.

The frequency counter does one thing, it counts the number of pulses in a second. Thus, if you squirt the right number of pulses to represent the time — say, 173118 pulses to represent 5:31 PM and 18 seconds — the frequency counter effectively becomes a clock. To achieve this, [Simon] just hooked an ESP32 up to the frequency counter and programmed it to get the current time from an NTP time server. It then spits out a certain number of pulses every second corresponding to the current time. The frequency counter displays the count… and there you have your Nixie clock!

It’s quick, dirty, and effective, and a sweet entry to our 2025 One Hertz Challenge. We’ve had some other great entries, too, like this nifty hexadecimal Unix clock, and even some non-horological projects, too!

youtube.com/embed/Wd4AiFQjkqA?…

hackaday.com/2025/08/07/2025-o…

These days the president of the United States files frivolous lawsuits at an alarming clip, including against news outlets that displease him. He’s far from the only prominent public figure abusing the federal court system in this way, steering scarce judicial resources away from meritorious lawsuits by ordinary people who have suffered serious damages.

And yet, Congress has not seen fit to pass a federal “anti-SLAPP” law to stop billionaires and politicians from pursuing strategic lawsuits against public participation. But powerless prisoners? That’s another story. If they want access to the federal courts they need to navigate the Prison Litigation Reform Act — a maze of onerous procedural requirements. It’s supposedly intended to stop the courts from being burdened by inmates’ frivolous lawsuits.

We held a webinar to discuss the PLRA’s impact on incarcerated journalists and the journalists on the outside who cover the prison system, featuring Jeremy Busby, a journalist and Freedom of the Press Foundation (FPF) columnist who is incarcerated in Texas, and American Civil Liberties Union attorneys Nina Patel and Corene Kendrick. Patel is senior policy counsel at the ACLU Justice Division and Kendrick is the deputy director of the ACLU’s National Prison Project.

As Kendrick explained, the PLRA originated as one of the Clinton administration’s “tough on crime” initiatives as it pivoted right in preparation for the 1996 presidential election. The law was enacted despite a lack of evidence that incarcerated people file baseless lawsuits any more frequently than anyone else, presidents or otherwise. She said the law “singles out one disfavored group of people and categorically denies them equal access to the courts.”

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She described how the harm extends beyond the impacted litigants, as the kinds of court filings foreclosed by the PLRA are “oftentimes the best way that information about conditions in our nation’s prisons and jails reach the public and members of the media.”

“The PLRA has, in practice, served as a real barrier for journalists to get any sort of information” about facilities that “get billions and billions of dollars a year to lock up human beings,” Kendrick said. “The ability to communicate with the outside world is so circumscribed and is monitored and recorded. And you know, once something gets to a federal court and it’s filed on the docket, it is out there.”

But when the court dismisses a case for procedural reasons without any consideration of whether the claims are true, all journalists are left with are untested allegations that they rarely have the resources to corroborate. “That happens all the time, and unfortunately, and it adversely affects journalists greatly,” Kendrick said.

Lawsuits are also the only recourse available to incarcerated journalists, who often report relentless retaliation when their work upsets prison officials. That’s what happened to Busby when he helped expose deplorable conditions inside the prison where he was housed when the COVID-19 pandemic hit in 2020. Busby said he was transferred to four prisons, each overcrowded with people sick with COVID, before landing in a cell without a mattress or sheets, where he was kept for six weeks. His property was damaged or seized, and he was written bogus disciplinary charges that were later overturned.

He brought a federal lawsuit, but because he was retaliated against in four different prisons, the judge said the PLRA required four separate lawsuits in four different courts. “I wasn’t able to successfully keep up with four active litigations in four different courts in four different counties, from the solitary confinement cell that I was being held in,” Busby explained, resulting in his lawsuits each being dismissed on procedural grounds before the merits of his claims could be adjudicated.

Busby is a college graduate and accomplished writer — if he can’t navigate the PLRA, it is all the more difficult for an average member of the prison population to do so. Even the experienced lawyers on the webinar acknowledged how challenging it can be to comply with the PLRA when representing their incarcerated clients. Incarcerated litigants, Busby noted, must also pay court fees — in his case, a $400 fee became $1,600 when his lawsuit was split into four.

“You don’t get paid for work here in Texas, and so most guys, they don’t even want the $400 thing against their account because their family members can maybe send $20 for toothpaste and deodorant every month or so, or every two or three months, and they don’t want to sacrifice their deodorant and toothpaste money to pursue this lawsuit,” he said.

So what’s the point of the PLRA? As Patel noted, “The courts are well equipped to throw out lawsuits that are frivolous,” and do so every day in cases involving non-incarcerated people. Patel believes the real problem the PLRA is meant to address isn’t that incarcerated people file so many invalid claims — it’s that they file so many valid ones.

With around two million people incarcerated in the United States, “a functional system where someone can go to the courts and have their constitutional violations in prison litigated and then compensated would break most prison systems in this country,” Patel explained. “That is the dirty truth of the PLRA.”

She added, “Everyone knows, and it’s not a secret, that it would bankrupt the system, and it would break it, and that we couldn’t do what we do in this country, which is lead the world in mass incarceration.”

Watch the full webinar here, and subscribe to our newsletters to get notice of future events.

Note: FPF Advocacy Director Seth Stern, who authored this article and moderated the webinar, is on the board of Busby’s nonprofit organization, JoinJeremy.

freedom.press/issues/federal-l…

Ahoy Pirates,

Our next PPI board meeting will take place on 26.08.2025 at 14:00 UTC / 16:00 CEST.

All official PPI proceedings, Board meetings included, are open to the public. Feel free to stop by. We’ll be happy to have you.

Where:jitsi.pirati.cz/PPI-Board

Minutes of the meeting: wiki.pp-international.net/wiki…

Agenda: Pad: etherpad.pp-international.net/…

All of our meetings are posted to our calendar: pp-international.net/calendar/

We look forward to seeing visitors.

Thank you for your support,

The Board of PPI

pp-international.net/2025/08/n…

Ora... ognuno può pensarla come vuole e in molti penseranno che quest'uomo è un pazzo.

Ma metti che domani 'sto mostro esce dall'acqua e si fa un giretto sulla terraferma a favore di fotografi.

Steve Feltham potrà sparare un "VE L'AVEVO DETTO, STRONZI!" da cento megatoni.

😁😁😁

L’uomo che da 30 anni cerca il mostro di Loch Ness: ilpost.it/2022/11/10/uomo-cerc…

L’uomo che da 30 anni cerca il mostro di Loch Ness

Steve Feltham è arrivato sul lago scozzese nel 1991 e da allora passa le sue giornate scrutando l'acqua, invano

^{Il Post}