Libri blu
Quando August Strindberg iniziò a lavorare a quelli che diverranno i Libri blu, era il 1907; la sua fama non era legata solo a La camera rossa o a L’arringa di un pazzo, ma alla sua apparentemente instabile volontà di praticare strade diverse da quelle del positivismo, del materialismo e del naturalismo ottocenteschi. Quell’«oltre» significava scavalcare il pensiero dominante e ritrovare profonde radici nel cristianesimo e nel misticismo, ma per i suoi antichi amici e colleghi voleva dire nonsenso, follia, rimbambimento.
Ed è per questo che dobbiamo stare attenti alle definizioni che dall’opera passano all’autore, come è accaduto per Van Gogh nell’arte e per Dino Campana nella poesia, per non parlare di Francesco d’Assisi.
Per questo la necessaria e doverosa scelta antologica dagli sterminati, originari Libri blu, più di 1.500 pagine, da parte del grande esperto di Strindberg, Franco Perrelli, è un’opera benemerita: ci mette di fronte al grande problema della definizione di follia da parte della cultura dominante, o semplicemente di una borghesia più o meno colta, abituata a giudicare secondo il pensiero del tempo.
Quello che doveva scuotere fortemente alla lettura non solo dei quattro Libri blu usciti con il loro autore ancora in vita (altri sarebbero stati editi postumi), ma anche di Bandiere nere, storia in cui sembra non esserci scampo alcuno se non con la fuga dalla «pazza folla», era l’attacco frontale al pensiero borghese. Solo con il ritorno al misticismo, alla mediazione platonica e soprattutto alla figura di un Gesù liberato dell’aura di abitudine e conformismo si potevano salvare gli esseri umani.
Uno dei personaggi dei Libri blu, il Maestro, afferma che «se mi definisco cristiano, è perché riconosco Cristo come potenza, una fonte d’energia, dalla quale, tramite la preghiera, traggo la forza sufficiente per sopportare le tribolazioni della vita» (p. 145). Come si vede, la figura del Redentore è assunta in un universo in cui la mistica swedenborghiana, un san Paolo letto soprattutto come maestro interiore e nemico del pensiero «borghese», e un Medioevo in cui «splendevano le scuole abbaziali e le università, nelle quali s’insegnava la sapienza spirituale e quella laica» (p. 160), sono la vera salvezza dal nonsenso di una vita puramente materiale.
Questa aspirazione a un cristianesimo mistico e talvolta dalle sembianze esoteriche è uno dei mezzi spirituali che avvicinerà Strindberg al socialismo: un socialismo in cui non prevale il materialismo marxista, ma l’aspirazione all’innalzamento anche spirituale dell’uomo, ben oltre l’adesione dello scrittore svedese al pensiero nietzschiano, che si era manifestata anche a livello di corrispondenza diretta.
La stessa misoginia dell’A. deve essere vista in questa prospettiva, vale a dire come frutto di una società, quella borghese, in cui tutto è materia, soldi, successo, piacere: chi non fa parte della buona società, o attraversa momenti di crisi, è considerato inutile anche dal punto di vista affettivo. Tuttavia, Strindberg ha sempre considerato il matrimonio, nonostante i suoi personali tre fallimenti, un elemento fondamentale per il cammino umano.
Quindi, la presunta follia dell’A. non gli impedisce di vedere chiaramente oltre se stesso e le proprie esperienze, e di considerare il cristianesimo e il Vangelo come una delle poche speranze di una nuova era: «In generale, si dovrebbe trarre la propria dottrina direttamente dai Vangeli, perché sono più semplici, grandiosi, divini» (p. 212).
The post Libri blu first appeared on La Civiltà Cattolica.
Altrove
Il libro è una raccolta di scritti di spiritualità e politica di Giuseppe Trotta, figura significativa della cultura religiosa italiana di fine del secolo XX. I 30 brevi testi presentati in questo volume si segnalano per la loro straordinaria intensità, nonché per la varietà di generi che abbracciano. Vi si trovano appunti storiografici e interventi sull’attualità politica, profili biografici e recensioni di libri, meditazioni e altri componimenti più personali, tutti uniti da una riflessione vivace e profonda sul legame tra fede e storia.
La natura di questo legame viene indagata sotto il segno indicato già nel titolo: tra fede e storia, tra spiritualità e politica non esiste continuità o costruzione, ma una radicale sconnessione che, lungi dal risolversi in una frattura inconciliabile, si riformula nel misterioso sgranarsi di un tempo storico che non si esaurisce in sé stesso. È lo sguardo del cristiano, come emerge in vari passaggi del volume, a farsi testimone capace di cogliere un rimando a quell’«altrove» che certo si dà nella fede, ma sfugge alle categorie dell’idea e del progetto insite nella storia. Il cristiano conosce e soffre il disordine e l’ingiustizia del mondo, ma sa anche che questa visione di dolore non esaurisce la realtà; in lui si incarna uno scarto capace di rifrangere un «oltre» che solo un’«attenzione spregiudicata» può rivelare, tracciando così una via di liberazione: «Per andare oltre dobbiamo collocarci altrove» (p. 114).
Lo sguardo spirituale che contraddistingue il cristiano è segnato, secondo l’A., dalla compassione verso ogni uomo, ma anche dalla capacità di esprimere un giudizio severo, condannando la violenza dei poteri mondani. È nella pietas l’autentico ricongiungimento di fede e politica. Pertanto, avere a cuore la città umana implica una sensibilità acuta nei confronti del male, assieme a una percezione dei segni del Regno.
Questa capacità si manifesta in particolare nei saggi di Trotta dedicati al cattolicesimo politico italiano del Novecento, che, pur essendo in grado per alcuni decenni di dare forma a un’epoca, non ha superato una visione costantiniana di cristianità e si è concluso con un inesorabile sfaldamento. L’avvenire resta ora affidato a una generazione di cristiani che vivono la politica come un «dovere contingente», e non come un’assunzione stabile di potere, ma che soprattutto sono capaci di restare nella condizione nomade di «pellegrini», di dimorare sulla soglia, indicando così una nuova terra al di là dell’orizzonte.
In queste pagine si trovano anche importanti riflessioni su esperienze religiose esemplari di personaggi noti, come Simone Weil, Lorenzo Milani, Dietrich Bonhoeffer o Giuseppe Dossetti, ma anche di figure meno conosciute, come l’eremita Giuseppe Sandri. Ogni racconto parla di persone concrete che al nesso tra spiritualità e politica hanno dato, con il loro corpo vivente, una visibilità credibile. L’essere soglia del cristiano non è infatti solo un vedere quell’«altrove» per sé nella fede, ma anche un diventare per gli altri un segno tangibile del trascendente nella storia.
Interessante è una riflessione dell’A. sul Magnificat. Si tratta di un canto che unisce guerra e misericordia, un inno proclamato alla fine del tempo. L’empio e il superbo sono «gonfi di sé», vedono il mondo come un’estensione del proprio io e occupano sempre più spazi; tuttavia, al momento del giudizio, saranno smarriti e dissolti in quel loro sé espanso e inconsistente. Ad essi si contrappone l’umiltà di Maria, «figura dei poveri di Israele», colei che si inchina all’Altrove e, proprio in questo suo abbassamento, diventa partecipe della signoria di Dio sul mondo.
Sarà pur vero che l’esperienza,molto novecentesca, incarnatasi nella biografia politica ed ecclesiale di Trotta sia scomparsa; tuttavia, resta profondamente attuale la sua consapevolezza di un vuoto che squarcia la nostra epoca: un vuoto che può essere il nulla, o appunto l’altrove.
The post Altrove first appeared on La Civiltà Cattolica.
La maledizione italiana
Il libro parla della guerra clandestina e delle trame orchestrate dagli apparati britannici contro Alcide De Gasperi. È una ricostruzione inedita e dettagliata di un capitolo importante della storia d’Italia, basata su fonti archivistiche britanniche, statunitensi e italiane.
Nello scenario di divisione del mondo in aree di influenza decisa a Jalta, l’Italia, considerata Paese sconfitto, viene assegnata al controllo di Londra, che la considera strategica per i suoi interessi, a causa della sua posizione di frontiera fra Europa e Mediterraneo, fra Occidente e Oriente.
De Gasperi guida con autorevolezza l’Italia nel processo di trasformazione in uno Stato democratico, traghettandola verso l’Assemblea costituente e il referendum istituzionale. Evita un nuovo bagno di sangue, stringendo il patto costituzionale con Togliatti; aggancia il Paese all’area atlantica e all’Europa da unificare e crea le condizioni per il boom economico, che nel giro di pochi anni proietterà l’Italia fra le grandi economie del mondo. La rete di interessi stranieri, all’opera per destabilizzare la Penisola, deve fare i conti con le strategie del grande statista, che dimostrano chiaramente che l’Italia non si fa trattare come una colonia e sa svolgere un ruolo determinante sulla scena internazionale.
Dal carteggio riportato in questo libro emerge chiaramente l’ostilità dei governi britannici verso De Gasperi, considerato un serio ostacolo ai piani di Oltremanica per il controllo del Canale di Suez e del Medio Oriente. Fra coloro che vedevano come il fumo negli occhi lo statista italiano c’era Winston Churchill, riportato in sella dai conservatori nel 1951 per salvare l’impero coloniale ormai al tramonto: egli considerava gli italiani «amici e alleati di infimo valore» (p. 199). De Gasperi, presidente del Consiglio e leader della Democrazia Cristiana, poteva contare invece sull’endorsement politico, oltre che sul sostegno economico, degli Stati Uniti.
Gli AA. riportano, fra gli altri, documenti interni di Downing Street, del Foreign Office e dei servizi segreti britannici, per mezzo dei quali ricostruiscono la guerra clandestina contro il grande statista e le azioni a dir poco spregiudicate della propaganda occulta e della macchina del fango. Il principale strumento, l’Information Research Department, mette in circolazione notizie false e veline che vengono pubblicate da giornali e agenzie di stampa «clienti» dell’intelligence inglese. Nel ruolo di direttori e reporter, ex esponenti dell’Ovra e personaggi con trascorsi poco cristallini sono pronti a fare da cassa di risonanza alle fake news.
Il libro ricostruisce i casi più clamorosi: le false lettere di De Gasperi pubblicate dal Candido, e lo scandalo Montesi costruito a tavolino per colpire il figlio di un altro personaggio di spicco della Democrazia Cristiana, Attilio Piccioni, vice di De Gasperi a Palazzo Chigi e suo delfino. Conflitti internazionali e questioni politiche interne, dunque, vengono mischiate con cronaca nera e giudiziaria.
Gli attacchi mediatici si intensificano negli ultimi anni della carriera politica di De Gasperi, il quale muore improvvisamente il 19 agosto 1954. Al suo decesso potrebbe aver contribuito il dolore per le umiliazioni sofferte nell’ultima fase della sua vita politica: questa è l’ipotesi degli AA., basata anche su un articolo-testimonianza di Giulio Andreotti.
Il grande statista è una delle vittime di quella che dagli AA. viene definita «la maledizione italiana», che colpisce protagonisti della storia italiana deceduti prematuramente o uccisi. Una maledizione che inizia con Cavour e prosegue con Alcide De Gasperi, Enrico Mattei e Aldo Moro. Una maledizione che ha privato l’Italia di leader e di figure decisive in momenti cruciali.
The post La maledizione italiana first appeared on La Civiltà Cattolica.
Digitale Gewalt: Abgeordnete, Ministerien und EU-Kommission bleiben auf Deepfake-Plattform X
netzpolitik.org/2026/digitale-…
What the Maduro ‘extradition’ could mean for U.S. journalists
For journalists who work online, the most dangerous assumption is that press freedom is territorial. It is not. In the digital age, journalists publish globally by default, and states increasingly assert criminal jurisdiction globally as well.
The recent assertion of U.S. authority to seize (kidnapping is such an “ugly” word) Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro illustrates a broader and deeply unsettling truth: Once a state claims jurisdiction, the limiting factor is not law, but power. For journalists, that reality has been quietly unfolding for decades.
Extraterritorial jurisdiction and the press
Domestic law (and law enforcement) does not stop at the border. Most countries reserve the “right” to prosecute those outside the country whose actions are directed inside the country, or which impact that country’s laws, citizens, or property.
The concept of “extraterritorial” jurisdiction of domestic law was recognized by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1922 in United States v. Bowman, where the court noted that certain criminal statutes apply extraterritorially by their nature when they protect national interests. This is commonly called the “protective” principle of extraterritorial application of law. In the cyber era, courts have applied this doctrine aggressively to online conduct, including speech, publication, and data access.
Journalists are not exempt. While the First Amendment provides robust protection against U.S. prosecution for publishing truthful information of public concern, those protections are not portable. They do not bind foreign courts, nor do they prevent foreign states from asserting jurisdiction over content accessible within their borders.
Journalists prosecuted for online speech abroad
One of the earliest and most influential cases illustrating this problem is LICRA v. Yahoo! Inc., a 2000 French case where the court asserted jurisdiction over Yahoo, a U.S. company, for hosting Nazi memorabilia auctions accessible from France, where French law prohibited the display of Nazi materials.
Although Yahoo ultimately resisted enforcement in U.S. courts, the case established the principle that online publication can subject speakers and publishers to the criminal law of any country where the content is accessible. Countries routinely attempt to enforce their own laws — terrorism, defamation, etc., over the activities of journalists outside their borders.
For example, in Akçam v. Turkey, the European Court of Human Rights recognized the chilling effect of Turkey’s criminal laws on speech, including academic and journalistic commentary. But Turkish prosecutors continue to attempt to use Interpol red notices — which alert law enforcement agencies worldwide to locate and detain an individual — to have foreign journalists prosecuted.
In 2023, Russian authorities issued criminal charges against foreign reporters for coverage of the war in Ukraine, alleging dissemination of “false information” about the Russian military — conduct that would be core protected speech in the United States — in violation of the Russian criminal code.
If other countries adopt the Maduro precedent, a foreign country can enforce its laws against U.S. journalists simply by force or power.
China has attempted to use Article 12 of the Cybersecurity Law of the PRC to prosecute those who disseminate online content that “endangers national security” or “damages the public interest” of China. Foreign journalists have been detained, expelled, or prosecuted for online reporting hosted on servers outside China but accessible within it. The Maduro regime itself cracked down on journalists within its own borders, prosecuting them for crimes like terrorism, incitement, and conspiracy.
The United States recently proposed to require those entering the country to provide border agents with access to five years of their social media history, threatening to use this information to ban, arrest, detain, or punish those whose history indicates some vaguely defined “un-American” political persuasion. Moreover, the U.S. government spent years attempting to obtain jurisdiction over Australian WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange for his publication from abroad of materials the U.S. government claimed could not be published under U.S. law.
There is no ‘there there’
Typically, if speech is permitted (or protected) in the jurisdiction in which it is uttered or published, but prohibited or regulated in another country, the “injured” country has few remedies to go after the speaker/publisher. While it can charge the person with a crime and request that they be extradited, extradition treaties typically require that the conduct be considered “criminal” in both countries. And many countries (including the U.S.) do not typically extradite their own citizens.
Add to that the fact that most extradition treaties also permit the host country to resist extradition for “political speech” or “political activity,” and that an extradition request is subject to both a legal and political process. In addition, the likelihood that a U.S. journalist would be extradited to China, Turkey, or another country for First Amendment-protected activity is small — not nonexistent, but small.
Countries may, however, consider the activities of journalists to constitute violations of surveillance, theft, intellectual property, threat, defamation, or espionage laws, increasing the chance that they will be treated as nonpolitical offenses. Put simply, we extradite whom we want to countries we want for purposes we want. And that’s what other countries do as well.
Kidnapping, rendition, and the Ker–Frisbie Doctrine
What the Maduro case shows is that governments (including the U.S. government) reserve either the right or the pure ability to invade the territorial sovereignty of other nations to obtain jurisdiction over those (including heads of state) we believe have violated U.S. law. The U.S. Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed the authority of the U.S. to “kidnap” persons overseas and bring them to U.S. courts — and presumably the opposite applies as well.
Under what is called the Ker-Frisbie Doctrine, the domestic courts do not look at the way the court obtained jurisdiction over the defendant (unless this “shocks the conscience”), but simply look at whether the defendant is physically present.
In the 1886 case Ker v. Illinois, the Supreme Court held that a defendant abducted from Peru could still be tried in U.S. court. It affirmed the principle in 1952 in Frisbie v. Collins. In the 1992 case United States v. Alvarez-Machain, after U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration agents abducted a doctor in Mexico and brought him to trial in the U.S., the court noted that the U.S./Mexico extradition treaty was just “one way” to obtain jurisdiction over a person. Apparently, kidnapping is another. As a federal appellate court made clear five years later in United States v. Noriega, this principle applies to foreign heads of state as well.
What this means for journalists
For journalists, the implication is sobering. Publishing an article, hosting leaked documents, or reporting on state misconduct online can expose a reporter to criminal liability in jurisdictions with radically different views of press freedom.
The fact that the work is lawful — and even celebrated — in the United States offers no protection abroad. We saw that when Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi was abducted and dismembered by the Saudi government at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey.
What typically “saves” journalists is that foreign countries may fear invading the territorial sovereignty of the host nation. This is why most prosecutions of journalists occur in the country in which they are operating. Russia’s prosecutions of Alsu Kurmasheva, a Russian-American journalist working for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and Wall Street Journal correspondent Evan Gershkovich follow this pattern, as does the Turkish government’s detention of freelance journalist Lindsey Snell in Turkey in 2016.
In a networked world, journalism is inherently transnational, but press freedom is not.
However, if a journalist can be lured into a compliant country, or if other countries adopt the Maduro precedent, a foreign country can enforce its laws on people in the U.S. simply by force or power. Instructive is the case of Henry Liu, a Chinese American critic of the Taiwanese government, which hired Taiwanese gang members to kill him in California, or the attempted murder in Brooklyn, New York, of Iranian-American journalist Masih Alinejad.
While journalists and others may be protected by the First Amendment, that protection typically applies only if they are physically in the United States, and assumes that the U.S. has no interest in extraditing the journalist to another country. With the Maduro precedent extending the authority to kidnap those who we perceive to have violated the law of one nation, other nations can be expected to follow suit. It’s no longer about what White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller called “international niceties” but is about “a world, … the real world, … that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power.”
Law as narrative, power as reality
The lesson for journalists is not that the law is meaningless, but that it is secondary. Power determines who is charged, who is seized, and who is left alone. Law supplies justification after the fact.
In a networked world, journalism is inherently transnational, but press freedom is not. For journalists who work online, the question is no longer merely, “Is this lawful where I am?” It is, “Who might claim jurisdiction, and what can they do to enforce it?”
The answer, increasingly, depends less on courts than on geopolitics.
In cyberspace, publication is global. So is exposure.
Trump punta su Starlink di Musk per liberare internet in Iran
Per vedere altri post come questo, segui la comunità @Informatica (Italy e non Italy 😁)
Il regime di Teheran spegne Internet nel mezzo delle proteste e il presidente Usa Trump sta valutando una serie di possibili opzioni. Al centro del confronto anche l'uso del servizio di connettività satellitare di Elon Musk. Il blackout
[2026-01-14] Corso di percussioni brasiliane @ CSA Magazzino 47
Corso di percussioni brasiliane
CSA Magazzino 47 - via industriale 10 Brescia
(mercoledì, 14 gennaio 20:30)
[2026-01-15] Laboratorio Aperto @ Matrici Aperte
Laboratorio Aperto
Matrici Aperte - Via Elia Capriolo 41C, Brescia
(giovedì, 15 gennaio 15:00)
LABORATORIO APERTO
Tutti i Martedì (14:00-23:00) e i Giovedì (14:00-21:00) Matrici apre il laboratorio per chi ha bisogno di stampare ma anche per chi vuole solo bere un bicchiere in compagnia!
Potete venire a fare serigrafia, incisione calcografica, xilografia e tecniche grafiche sperimentali.
Per l'utilizzo del laboratorio chiediamo un contributo libero a supporto del progetto. Portate carta e matrici da casa, noi mettiamo a disposizione strumenti e spazio per i vostri lavori.
Ci sono due postazioni serigrafiche, due torchi calcografici, sala acidi e piani da inchiostrazione.
Dalle 18.00 (ma anche dalle 14.00 per lx ubriaconx) apre il baretto con vino, birre, pirli e gin tonic di pessima qualità! -c'è pure il pinkanello!-Chi suona strumenti è ben accettx.
Sarà aperto e consultabile anche l'archivio con libri serigrafici, fanzine e distro a supporto di movimenti e collettivi!
[2026-01-17] CENA SOCIALE + ESTRAZIONE LOTTERIA @ circolo anarchico bruzzi-malatesta
CENA SOCIALE + ESTRAZIONE LOTTERIA
circolo anarchico bruzzi-malatesta - Via Torricelli 19, milano
(sabato, 17 gennaio 19:30)
CENA SOCIALE + ESTRAZIONE LOTTERIA Benefit inguaiate/i con la legge
Menù:
Aperitivo cibo di strada by LE PITTULE CREW
Primo:
MEZZE MANICHE CON RAGÙ DI TOFU
Secondo:
PEPERONATA GIALLOROSSA
*Primo + Secondo + Primo bicchiere di vino 10€
[2026-01-17] CONCERTO BENEFIT INGUAIATI CON LA LEGGE #18 @ COX18
CONCERTO BENEFIT INGUAIATI CON LA LEGGE #18
COX18 - Via Conchetta 18, Milano
(sabato, 17 gennaio 22:30)
CONCERTO BENEFIT INGUAIATI CON LA LEGGE #18
Sabato 17 Gennaio 2025
CSOA COX18
Via Conchetta, 18 - Milano
h. 22:30
CHAIN CULT (Athens)
ASTIO (Trento)
ZIPPER (Milano)
@chaincultband
@astio_totale
@milano_diy_hardcore
Flyer @willxashes
[2026-01-25] Concerto Benefit FREE ALL ANTIFAS matinée @ COA T28 @ COA T28
Concerto Benefit FREE ALL ANTIFAS matinée @ COA T28
COA T28 - Via dei Transiti 28, Milano
(domenica, 25 gennaio 18:00)
Avventure domotiche con Zigbee
@Informatica (Italy e non Italy 😁)
TL;DR Una serie di chiacchierate tra colleghi sulla domotica domestica mi ha stimolato a scrivere un articolo per aiutare chi sta affacciandosi al mondo dell'automazione domestica.
Source
L'articolo proviene dal blog #ZeroZone di zerozone.it/arduino-esp-e-iot/…
Guerra civile Rai. Perché un programma non può attaccare un altro
@Giornalismo e disordine informativo
articolo21.org/2026/01/guerra-…
“Tocca ricordare un’ovvietà: non si può usare uno spazio Rai per dare addosso a un altro programma Rai, con minacce annesse. Visto quanto accade, è però necessario ribadirlo,
Poliversity - Università ricerca e giornalismo reshared this.
La battaglia della famiglia e della società civile per la liberazione di Alberto Trentini
@Giornalismo e disordine informativo
articolo21.org/2026/01/la-batt…
Diciamolo subito. Il merito primario della liberazione del cooperante veneziano Alberto Trentini è
A Bologna il primo febbraio 2026 prima edizione del Premio Nazionale Andrea Purgatori
@Giornalismo e disordine informativo
articolo21.org/2026/01/a-bolog…
A Bologna il primo febbraio, in occasione della giornata dedicata ad Andrea Purgatori: “Buon compleanno Andrea”,
Ottavia Piccolo: “La liberazione di Alberto è il risveglio da un incubo”
@Giornalismo e disordine informativo
articolo21.org/2026/01/ottavia…
Sulla liberazione di Alberto Trentini è intervenuta Ottavia Piccolo. .L’attrice e doppiatrice, che è anche presidente di Articolo 21 a Venezia, è il volto
Trentini libero: finalmente!
@Giornalismo e disordine informativo
articolo21.org/2026/01/trentin…
Alberto Trentini è libero: finalmente! Nessun’altra esclamazione ha senso di fronte a una notizia che abbiamo atteso per oltre quattrocento giorni. È il compimento di una battaglia che abbiamo combattuto in prima persona anche quando a occuparci delle sorti del cooperante veneziano eravamo
Si vede da come mi vede
A volte non serve lo specchio per capire chi siamo. Basta uno sguardo. Quello di chi ci incrocia distrattamente in metropolitana, o quello più intenso di chi ci conosce davvero. È buffo, ma finiamo sempre per misurarci con il riflesso che gli altri ci restituiscono, come se la nostra identità fosse una foto sfocata che solo gli occhi altrui riescono a mettere a fuoco. Ci si abitua presto a vivere sotto osservazione, anche quando nessuno ci guarda. In fondo, siamo animali sociali: abbiamo bisogno di sentirci visti per credere di esistere.
Nicola Pizzamiglio likes this.
#Iran, la guerra prima della guerra
Iran, la guerra prima della guerra -
L’ondata di proteste che nelle ultime settimane sta attraversando l’Iran rappresenta forse la minaccia più grave per la tenuta del sistema uscito dallaMichele Paris (altrenotizie.org)
Con la multa a Cloudflare Piracy Shield dimostra ciò che sappiamo da tempo. Che non funziona
Il funzionamento dello scudo nazionale anti-pirateria ha un peccato originale: non tiene conto di come funziona internet. E saranno le tanto vituperate regole europee a proteggere l'azienda Usa e il suo ad che sbaglia a usare l’arma del ricattoLuca Zorloni (Wired Italia)
With xAI's Grok generating endless semi-nude images of women and girls without their consent, it follows a years-long legacy of rampant abuse on the platform.
With xAIx27;s Grok generating endless semi-nude images of women and girls without their contest, it follows a years-long legacy of rampant abuse on the platform.#grok #ElonMusk #AI #csam
Grok's AI Sexual Abuse Didn't Come Out of Nowhere
The biggest AI story of the first week of 2026 involves Elon Musk’s Grok chatbot turning the social media platform into an AI child sexual imagery factory, seemingly overnight.I’ve said several times on the 404 Media podcast and elsewhere that we could devote an entire beat to “loser shit.” What’s happening this week with Grok—designed to be the horny edgelord AI companion counterpart to the more vanilla ChatGPT or Claude—definitely falls into that category. People are endlessly prompting Grok to make nude and semi-nude images of women and girls, without their consent, directly on their X feeds and in their replies.
Sometimes I feel like I’ve said absolutely everything there is to say about this topic. I’ve been writing about nonconsensual synthetic imagery before we had half a dozen different acronyms for it, before people called it “deepfakes” and way before “cheapfakes” and “shallowfakes” were coined, too. Almost nothing about the way society views this material has changed in the seven years since it’s come about, because fundamentally—once it’s left the camera and made its way to millions of people’s screens—the behavior behind sharing it is not very different from images made with a camera or stolen from someone’s Google Drive or private OnlyFans account. We all agreed in 2017 that making nonconsensual nudes of people is gross and weird, and today, occasionally, someone goes to jail for it, but otherwise the industry is bigger than ever. What’s happening on X right now is an escalation of the way it’s always been, and almost everywhere on the internet.
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Do you know anything else about what's going on inside X? Or are you someone who's been targeted by abusive AI imagery? I would love to hear from you. Using a non-work device, you can message me securely on Signal at sam.404. Otherwise, send me an email at sam@404media.co.The internet has an incredibly short memory. It would be easy to imagine Twitter Before Elon as a harmonious and quaint microblogging platform, considering the four years After Elon have, comparatively, been a rolling outhouse fire. But even before it was renamed X, Twitter was one of the places for this content. It used to be (and for some, still is) an essential platform for getting discovered and going viral for independent content creators, and as such, it’s also where people are massively harassed. A few years ago, it was where people making sexually explicit AI images went to harass female cosplayers. Before that, it was (and still is) host to real-life sexual abuse material, where employers could search your name and find videos of the worst day of your life alongside news outlets and memes. Before that, it was how Gamergate made the jump from 4chan to the mainstream. The things that happen in Telegram chats and private Discord channels make the leap to Twitter and end up on the news.
What makes the situation this week with Grok different is that it’s all happening directly on X. Now, you don’t need to use Stable Diffusion or Nano Banana or Civitai to generate nonconsensual imagery and then take it over to Twitter to do some damage. X has become the Everything App that Elon always wanted, if “everything” means all the tools you need to fuck up someone’s life, in one place.
Inside the Telegram Channel Jailbreaking Grok Over and Over Again
Putting people in bikinis is just the tip of the iceberg. On Telegram, users are finding ways to make Grok do far worse.404 MediaEmanuel Maiberg
This is the culmination of years and years of rampant abuse on the platform. Reporting from the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, the organization platforms report to when they find instances of child sexual abuse material which then reports to the relevant authorities, shows that Twitter, and eventually X, has been one of the leading hosts of CSAM every year for the last seven years. In 2019, the platform reported 45,726 instances of abuse to NCMEC’s Cyber Tipline. In 2020, it was 65,062. In 2024, it was 686,176. These numbers should be considered with the caveat that platforms voluntarily report to NCMEC, and more reports can also mean stronger moderation systems that catch more CSAM when it appears. But the scale of the problem is still apparent. Jack Dorsey’s Twitter was a moderation clown show much of the time. But moderation on Elon Musk’s X, especially against abusive imagery, is a total failure.In 2023, the BBC reported that insiders believed the company was “no longer able to protect users from trolling, state-co-ordinated disinformation and child sexual exploitation” following Musk’s takeover in 2022 and subsequent sacking of thousands of workers on moderation teams. This is all within the context that one of Musk’s go-to insults for years was “pedophile,” to the point that the harassment he stoked drove a former Twitter employee into hiding and went to federal court because he couldn't stop calling someone a “pedo.” Invoking pedophelia is a common thread across many conspiracy networks, including QAnon—something he’s dabbled in—but Musk is enabling actual child sexual abuse on the platform he owns.
Generative AI is making all of this worse. In 2024, NCMEC saw 6,835 reports of generative artificial intelligence related to child sexual exploitation (across the internet, not just X). By September 2025, the year-to-date reports had hit 440,419. Again, these are just the reports identified by NCMEC, not every instance online, and as such is likely a conservative estimate.
When I spoke to online child sexual exploitation experts in December 2023, following our investigation into child abuse imagery found in LAION-5B, they told me that this kind of material isn’t victimless just because the images don’t depict “real” children or sex acts. AI image generators like Grok and many others are used by offenders to groom and blackmail children, and muddy the waters for investigators to discern actual photographs from fake ones.
Grok’s AI CSAM Shitshow
We are experiencing world events like the kidnapping of Maduro through the lens of the most depraved AI you can imagine.404 MediaJason Koebler
“Rather than coercing sexual content, offenders are increasingly using GAI tools to create explicit images using the child’s face from public social media or school or community postings, then blackmail them,” NCMEC wrote in September. “This technology can be used to create or alter images, provide guidelines for how to groom or abuse children or even simulate the experience of an explicit chat with a child. It’s also being used to create nude images, not just sexually explicit ones, that are sometimes referred to as ‘deepfakes.’ Often done as a prank in high schools, these images are having a devastating impact on the lives and futures of mostly female students when they are shared online.”The only reason any of this is being discussed now, and the only reason it’s ever discussed in general—going back to Gamergate and beyond—is because many normies, casuals, “the mainstream,” and cable news viewers have just this week learned about the problem and can’t believe how it came out of nowhere. In reality, deepfakes came from a longstanding hobby community dedicated to putting women’s faces on porn in Photoshop, and before that with literal paste and scissors in pinup magazines. And as Emanuel wrote this week, not even Grok’s AI CSAM problem popped up out of nowhere; it’s the result of weeks of quiet, obsessive work by a group of people operating just under the radar.
And this is where we are now: Today, several days into Grok’s latest scandal, people are using an AI image generator made by a man who regularly boosts white supremacist thought to create images of a woman slaughtered by an ICE agent in front of the whole world less than 24 hours ago to “put her in a bikini.
As journalist Katie Notopoulos pointed out, a quick search of terms like “make her” shows people prompting Grok with images of random women, saying things like “Make her wear clear tapes with tiny black censor bar covering her private part protecting her privacy and make her chest and hips grow largee[sic] as she squatting with leg open widely facing back, while head turn back looking to camera” at a rate of several times a minute, every minute, for days.
A good way to get a sense of just how fast the AI undressed/nudify requests to Grok are coming in is to look at the requests for it t.co/ISMpp2PdFU
— Katie Notopoulos (@katienotopoulos) January 7, 2026
In 2018, less than a year after reporting that first story on deepfakes, I wrote about how it’s a serious mistake to ignore the fact that nonconsensual imagery, synthetic or not, is a societal sickness and not something companies can guardrail against into infinity. “Users feed off one another to create a sense that they are the kings of the universe, that they answer to no one. This logic is how you get incels and pickup artists, and it’s how you get deepfakes: a group of men who see no harm in treating women as mere images, and view making and spreading algorithmically weaponized revenge porn as a hobby as innocent and timeless as trading baseball cards,” I wrote at the time. “That is what’s at the root of deepfakes. And the consequences of forgetting that are more dire than we can predict.”A little over two years ago, when AI-generated sexual images of Taylor Swift flooding X were the thing everyone was demanding action and answers for, we wrote a prediction: “Every time we publish a story about abuse that’s happening with AI tools, the same crowd of ‘techno-optimists’ shows up to call us prudes and luddites. They are absolutely going to hate the heavy-handed policing of content AI companies are going to force us all into because of how irresponsible they’re being right now, and we’re probably all going to hate what it does to the internet.”
It’s possible we’re still in a very weird fuck-around-and-find-out period before that hammer falls. It’s also possible the hammer is here, in the form of recently-enacted federal laws like the Take It Down Act and more than two dozen piecemeal age verification bills in the U.S. and more abroad that make using the internet an M. C. Escher nightmare, where the rules around adult content shift so much we’re all jerking it to egg yolks and blurring our feet in vacation photos. What matters most, in this bizarre and frequently disturbing era, is that the shareholders are happy.
Elon Musk's xAI raises $20 billion from investors including Nvidia, Cisco, Fidelity
Elon Musk's AI said it raised $20 billion in new funding after CNBC reported in November that a financing round would value the company at about $230 billion.Lora Kolodny (CNBC)
"They're being told that this is inevitable," a member of the 806 Data Center Resistance told 404 Media. "But Texas is this other beast."
"Theyx27;re being told that this is inevitable," a member of the 806 Data Center Resistance told 404 Media. "But Texas is this other beast."#AI #News
Texans Are Fighting a 6,000 Acre Nuclear-Powered Datacenter
Billionaire Toby Neugebauer laughed when the Amarillo City Council asked him how he planned to handle the waste his planned datacenter would produce.“I’m not laughing in disrespect to your question,” Neugebauer said. He explained that he’d just met with Texas Governor Greg Abbott, who had made it clear that any nuclear waste Neugebauer’s datacenter generated needed to go to Nevada, a state that’s not taking nuclear waste at the moment. “The answer is we don't have a great long term solution for how we’re doing nuclear waste.
playlist.megaphone.fm?p=TBIEA2…
The meeting happened on October 28, 2025 and was one of a series of appearances Neugebauer has put in before Amarillo’s leaders as he attempts to realize Project Matador: a massive 5,769 acre datacenter being built in the Texas Panhandle and constructed by Fermi America, a company he founded with former Secretary of Energy Rick Perry.If built, Project Matador would be one of the largest datacenters in the world at around 18 million square feet. “What we’re talking about is creating the epicenter for artificial intelligence in the United States,” Neugebauer told the council. According to Neugebauer, the United States is in an existential race to build AI infrastructure. He sees it as a national security issue.
“You’re blessed to sit on the best place to develop AI compute in America,” he told Amarillo. “I just finished with Palantir, which is our nation’s tip of the spear in the AI war. They know that this is the place that we must do this. They’ve looked at every site on the planet. I was at the Department of War yesterday. So anyone who thinks this is some casual conversation about the mission critical aspect of this is just not being truthful.”
But it’s unclear if Palantir wants any part of Project Matador. One unnamed client—rumored to be Amazon—dropped out of the project in December and cancelled a $150 million contract with Fermi America. The news hit the company’s stock hard, sending its value into a tailspin and triggering a class action lawsuit from investors.
Yet construction continues. The plan says it’ll take 11 years to build out the massive datacenter, which will first be powered by a series of natural gas generators before the planned nuclear reactors come online.
Amarillo residents aren’t exactly thrilled at the prospect. A group called 806 Data Center Resistance has formed in opposition to the project’s construction. Kendra Kay, a tattoo artist in the area and a member of 806, told 404 Media that construction was already noisy and spiking electricity bills for locals.
“When we found out how big it was, none of us could really comprehend it,” she said. “We went out to the site and we were like, ‘Oh my god, this thing is huge.’ There’s already construction underway of one of four water tanks that hold three million gallons of water.”
For Kay and others, water is the core issue. It’s a scarce resource in the panhandle and Amarillo and other cities in the area already fight for every drop. “The water is the scariest part,” she said. “They’re asking for 2.5 million gallons per day. They said that they would come back, probably in six months, to ask for five million gallons per day. And then, after that, by 2027 they would come back and ask for 10 million gallons per day.”
youtube.com/embed/qDgIPg1Epb4?…
During an October 15 city council meeting, Neugebauer told the city that Fermi would get its water “with or without” an agreement from the city. “The only difference is whether Amarillo benefits.” To many people it sounded like a threat, but Neugebauer got his deal and the city agreed to sell water to Fermi America for double the going rate.“It wasn’t a threat,” Neugebauer said during another meeting on October 28. “I know people took my answer…as a threat. I think it’s a win-win. I know there are other water projects we can do…we fully got that the water was going to be issue 1, 2, and 3.”
“We can pay more for water than the consumer can. Which allows you all capital to be able to re-invest in other water projects,” he said. “I think what you’re gonna find is having a customer who can pay way more than what you wanna burden your constituents with will actually enhance your water availability issues.”
According to Neugebauer and plans filed with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the datacenter would generate and consume 11 gigawatts of power. The bulk of that, eventually, would be generated by four nuclear reactors. But nuclear reactors are complicated and expensive to make and everyone who has attempted to build one in the past few decades has gone over budget and they weren’t trying to build nuclear power plants in the desert.
Nuclear reactors, like datacenters, consume a lot of water. Because of that, most nuclear reactors are constructed near massive bodies of water and often near the ocean. “The viewpoint that nuclear reactors can only be built by streams and oceans is actually the opposite,” Neugebauer told the Amarillo city council in the meeting on October 28.
As evidence he pointed to the Palo Verde nuclear plant in Arizona. The massive Palo Verde plant is the only nuclear plant in the world not constructed near a ready source of water. It gets the water it needs by taking on the waste and sewage water of every city and town nearby.
That’s not the plan with Project Matador, which will use water sold to it by Amarillo and pulled from the nearby Ogallala Aquifer. “I am concerned that we’re going to run out of water and that this is going to change it from us having 30 years worth of water for agriculture to much less very quickly,” Kay told 404 Media.
The Ogallala Aquifer runs under parts of Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, New Mexico, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, and Wyoming. It’s the primary source of water for the Texas panhandle and it’s drying out.
“They don’t know how much faster because, despite how quickly this thing is moving, we don’t have any idea how much water they’re realistically going to use or need, so we don’t even know how to calculate the difference,” Kay said. “Below Lubbock, they’ve been running out of water for a while. The priority of this seems really stupid.”
According to Kay, communities near the datacenter feel trapped as they watch the construction grind on. “They’ve all lived here for several generations…they’re being told that this is inevitable. Fermi is going up to them and telling them ‘this is going to happen whether you like it or not so you might as well just sell me your property.’”
Kay said she and other activists have been showing up to city council meetings to voice their concerns and tell leaders not to approve permits for the datacenter and nuclear plants. Other communities across the country have successfully pushed datacenter builders out of their community. “But Texas is this other beast,” Kay said.
Jacinta Gonzalez, the head of programs for MediaJustice and her team have helped 806 Data Center Resistance get up and running and teaching it tactics they’ve seen pay off in other states. “In Tucson, Arizona we were able to see the city council vote ‘no’ to offer water to Project Blue, which was a huge proposed Amazon datacenter happening there,” she said. “If you look around, everywhere from Missouri to Indiana to places in Georgia, we’re seeing communities pass moratoriums, we’re seeing different projects withdraw their proposals because communities find out about it and are able to mobilize and organize against this.”
“The community in Amarillo is still figuring out what that’s going to look like for them,” she said. “These are really big interests. Rick Perry. Palantir. These are not folks who are used to hearing ‘no’ or respecting community wishes. So the community will have to be really nimble and up for a fight. We don’t know what will happen if we organize, but we definitely know what will happen if we don’t.”
Tucson City Council rejects Project Blue data center amid intense community pressure
The Tucson City Council voted to reject the proposed Project Blue data center— tied to Amazon — after weeks of community pushback.Yana Kunichoff (AZ Luminaria)
404 Media has obtained material that explains how Tangles and Webloc, two surveillance systems ICE recently purchased, work. Webloc can track phones without a warrant and follow their owners home or to their employer.#ICE
Inside ICE’s Tool to Monitor Phones in Entire Neighborhoods
A social media and phone surveillance system ICE bought access to is designed to monitor a city neighborhood or block for mobile phones, track the movements of those devices and their owners over time, and follow them from their places of work to home or other locations, according to material that describes how the system works obtained by 404 Media.Commercial location data, in this case acquired from hundreds of millions of phones via a company called Penlink, can be queried without a warrant, according to an internal ICE legal analysis shared with 404 Media. The purchase comes squarely during ICE’s mass deportation effort and continued crackdown on protected speech, alarming civil liberties experts and raising questions on what exactly ICE will use the surveillance system for.
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Do you know anything else about this tool? Do you work for ICE, CBP, or another agency? I would love to hear from you. Using a non-work device, you can message me securely on Signal at joseph.404 or send me an email at joseph@404media.co.“This is a very dangerous tool in the hands of an out-of-control agency. This granular location information paints a detailed picture of who we are, where we go, and who we spend time with,” Nathan Freed Wessler, deputy project director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s (ACLU) Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, told 404 Media.
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At least four videos show what really happened when ICE shot a woman in Minneapolis on Wednesday. DHS has established itself as an agency that cannot be trusted to live in or present reality.#ICE
DHS Is Lying To You
A maroon Honda Pilot SUV sits perpendicular across a residential road in Minneapolis. At the time, federal authorities were in the neighborhood as part of the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) recently announced surge of thousands of officials. A silver Nissan Titan drives up the road and stops because the Honda is blocking its path. Two officers dressed in body armor, pouches, and badges saying “police” exit the Nissan.The two people walk towards the Honda. Someone can be heard saying “get out of the fucking car.” One of them tries to open the driver’s door and reach through the open window. The driver of the Honda reverses and turns, getting straighter with the road. The driver then slowly accelerates and starts to turn to the right, leveling the car out with its front pointing away from the two officers.
A third officer, who has been standing on the other side of the road, pulls out a firearm while the car is turning away from him and fires into the car three times. The officer fires two of the shots when the vehicle is already well past him. He is not in front of the car, but to the side. The officer calmly holsters his weapon.
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